University of Strathclyde
Genealogical, Palaeographic and Heraldic Studies
Centre for Lifelong Learning,
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
ASPECTS OF ILLEGITIMACY IN SCOTLAND, 1869-1893
A Small-scale Comparison of Industrial and Agricultural Communities
by
Alexander Wood
A dissertation presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MSc in Genealogical, Palaeographic and Heraldic Studies
2016
Copyright statement:
This dissertation is the result of the author’s original research. It has been composed by the author and has not been previously submitted for examination which has led to the award of a degree.
The copyright of this dissertation belongs to the author under the terms of the United Kingdom Copyright Acts as qualified by University of Strathclyde Regulation 3.50. Due acknowledgement must always be made of the use of any material contained in, or derived from, this dissertation.
Signed:
Date: 22 April 2016
Acknowledgements:
My grateful thanks are extended to Alasdair Macdonald, my tutor at Strathclyde University for his patience, support and advice. I would also like to thank my former tutor, Tahitia McCabe.
I have been assisted by staff in a wide range of libraries and archives. My very particular thanks go to the ever-helpful staff at the ScotlandsPeople Centre who unfailingly and cheerfully advise and assist all users. I also wish to acknowledge the helpful approach of staff in the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh Central Library Scottish Room, the National Archives of Scotland and Angus Archives, and the volunteers at the Scottish Genealogy Society.
Thanks finally to Frances who has tolerated my obsession with genealogy for many years.
Abstract
There is a strong tradition of research into illegitimacy in rural 19th century Scotland. Much of it centres on the areas of highest incidence of illegitimacy, the north-east and the south-west, with assertions that sustainable, secure employment for women was the key to the high incidence in these areas. This research proceeds from an awareness of the economic and social impact of the developing textile industry in nineteenth century Scotland, in particular the creation of a mass female labour force in textile mills in the aftermath of the introduction of steam power to the industry. It analyses illegitimacy data from four communities, two in Forfarshire (Angus) and two in Ayrshire. In each county one community is a small-town with a developing textile industry and the other community is more rural. The research examines a range of data (employment, birth-place, ages, domiciliary arrangements, care arrangements for children, family proclivity to illegitimacy, literacy etc.) which illustrate key characteristics of the mothers of illegitimate children, of the mothers of children born legitimately but conceived outside marriage, and, to a more limited extent, of known fathers. It utilizes case studies of particular women in each county to illustrate general patterns but also to uncover issues and tendencies not obvious within large-scale statistics. The research seeks to identify broad patterns in each of the communities and to determine whether there are cultural patterns which support a better understanding of the phenomenon of illegitimacy.
CONTENTS
Abstract 3
Introduction 9
Literature Review 10
Methodology 18
Illegitimacy in Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs, 1869-1893: The
Broad Patterns 24
Unmarried Women in the Four Communities: Their Demographic, Residential
And Economic Status 31
Fathers of Illegitimate Children 42
The Four Communities 47
The Forfarshire Communities 47
Brechin 48
Edzell 57
The Ayrshire Communities 64
Darvel 65
Kilmaurs 76
In Conclusion 86
Bibliography 89
APPENDICES
- Case Studies: Brechin 100
- Mary Scott and James Fowler 100
- Ann Hunter Bearn 105
- Elizabeth Watson and Jemima Bearn Gordon 111
- Ann Duncan and James Webster 114
- Margaret Bruce and Charles Dorward 118
- Ann Stewart and Elizabeth Mather 121
- Case Studies: Edzell 125
- Fanny Mitchell and Howard Lindsay Mitchell 125
- Helen Webster 129
- Florence Jane Tomlinson and Cyril Dann 133
- Ann Crabb, Alexander Hosie Crabb and David Carnegie Crabb 138
- Jane Strachan and James Fyffe 142
- Case Studies: Darvel 144
- Ellen Bell and Maggie Connell 144
- Janet McIntosh and Elizabeth Marshall 148
- Margaret Lochore and Margaret Smith Lochore 151
- Flora Murchie and John Smith Murchie 154
- Janet Dykes and Thomas Aird 158
- Case Studies: Kilmaurs 162
- Elizabeth Prendergast and Annie Pindergrass 162
- Ann Duncan and Elizabeth Roseweir 166
- Agnes McDowall and Elizabeth Nairn 169
- Mary Templeton and Alexander Templeton 172
- Eliz English and Martha English 177
- Case Studies: Conclusions 180
TABLES
Table 1 European Illegitimate Birth Rates, 1858-1859 10
Table 2 Illegitimacy Rates, Selected UK Cities, 1883 13
Table 3 Illegitimacy Rates, Selected Scottish Counties, 1883 14
Table 4 Births Conceived Pre-Marriage, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and
Kilmaurs, 1869-189 24
Table 5 Births, Illegitimate Births and Subsequently Legitimated Births,
1869-1893 25
Table 6 Illegitimate Fertility Rates, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel, Kilmaurs,
1869-1873 27
Table 7 Illegitimate Fertility Rates, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel, Kilmaurs,
1879-1883 27
Table 8 Illegitimate Fertility Rates, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel, Kilmaurs,
1879-1883 27
Table 9 Mean Illegitimate Fertility Rates, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel, Kilmaurs,
1889-1893 28
Table 10 Unmarried Women as a %-age of the Total Populations and
of the Female Populations of Brechin, Edzell, Darvel, Kilmaurs,
1871-1891 29
Table 11 Multiple Illegitimate Births to Individual Mothers in Brechin,
Edzell, Darvel, Kilmaurs, 1869-1893 30
Table 12 Mean Age of Mothers at Birth of Illegitimate Children, Brechin,
Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs (Pre-Census and Post-Census
Cohorts) 31
Table 13 Mean Age at Marriage of Women Who Bore Children
Prior to Marriage, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs 31
Table 14 Ages at Marriage of Women Who Had Conceived Prior to
Marriage Compared to Whole Communities 32
Table 15 Places of Birth of Unmarried Women 33
Table 16 Places of Birth of Mothers of Illegitimate Children 33
Table 17 Post-Census Births, Pre-Census Residence of Mothers 34
Table 18 Residence of Unmarried Women as Indicated in Census Returns,
1871-1891 35
Table 19 Residential Arrangements of Women in Brechin by Head of
Household 36
Table 20 Residential Arrangements of Women in Edzell by Head of
Household 36
Table 21 Residential Arrangements of Women in Darvel by Head of
Household 37
Table 22 Residential Arrangements of Women in Kilmaurs by Head of
Household 37
Table 23 Location of Illegitimate Children on Census After Birth 39
Table 24 %-ages of Illiteracy Traced among Mothers of Illegitimate
Children and Mothers of Children Conceived Before Marriage in
Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs, 1869-1893 40
Table 25 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs, 1871-1891 41
Table 26 Paternity Actions as Proportion of Illegitimate Births 42
Table 27 Occupations of Men against Whom Paternity Suits were
Pursued, as Indicated by RCEs 42
Table 28 Residence of Men against Whom Paternity Suits were
Pursued, as Indicated by RCEs 43
Table 29 Paternity of Illegitimate Births, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and
Kilmaurs, 1869-1893 44
Table 30 Surnames by which Illegitimate Children Born 1869-1871 Are
Noted in 1871 Census 45
Table 31 Marriages in Brechin by Denomination, 1871, 1881, 1891 51
Table 32 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Brechin 54
Table 33 Marriages in Edzell by Denomination, 1871, 1881, 1891 58
Table 34 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Edzell 61
Table 35 Marriages in Darvel by Denomination, 1871, 1881, 1891 67
Table 36 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Darvel 70
Table 37 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Darvel, 1869-1877 71
Table 38 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Darvel, 1878-1893 72
Table 39 Marriages in Kilmaurs by Denomination, 1871, 1881, 1891 77
Table 40 Areas of Employment of Unmarried Women Aged 15-49, in
Kilmaurs 81
MAPS
Map 1 Parishes of Angus 47
Map 2 Brechin and Edzell 48
Map 3 Brechin 49
Map 4 Edzell 57
Map 5 Parishes of Ayrshire 64
Map 6 Kilmarnock and Adjacent Parishes, Including Loudoun and
Kilmaurs 65
Map 7 Darvel 66
Map 8A Kilmaurs 76
Map 8B Parish of Kilmaurs 76
CHARTS
Chart 1 Births Conceived Pre-Marriage in Brechin, Edzell,
Darvel and Kilmaurs, 1869-1893 24
Chart 2 %-age of Births Conceived outside Marriage,
Brechin, 1869-1893 52
Chart 3 %-age of Births Conceived outside Marriage,
Edzell, 1869-1893 59
Chart 4 %-age of Births Conceived outside Marriage,
Edzell, 1869-1893, in Five Year Blocks 59
Chart 5 %-age of Births Conceived outside Marriage,
Darvel, 1869-1893 68
Chart 6 %-age of Births Conceived outside Marriage,
Kilmaurs, 1869-1893 79
ASPECTS OF ILLEGITIMACY IN SCOTLAND, 1869-1893: A SMALL SCALE COMPARISON OF INDUSTRIAL AND AGRICULTURAL COMMUNITIES
INTRODUCTION
Smout poses locally available, year-round employment for girls around the farmhouse as crucial to high illegitimacy rates in certain rural Scottish counties.[1]
It might therefore be expected that parallel employment opportunities for women, would similarly affect urban illegitimacy rates. In Victorian Scotland the power-loom shifted weaving from a self-employed, male, skilled trade, usually operated in a domestic setting and involving family members, to factory production with an overwhelmingly female workforce. It offered urban women that secure employment crucial to high rural illegitimacy rates.
Mass power-loom weaving developed in the mid-1800s. The study will therefore concentrate, over 1869-1893, on two textile towns, Brechin in Forfarshire and Darvel in Ayrshire, to examine the impact on illegitimacy of economic and employment patterns and demographic trends, and compare these towns with neighbouring, rural communities, Edzell and Kilmaurs.
The research will consider illegitimacy rates among women textile-factory workers compared to women in contrasting urban and rural conditions and explore any cultural factors impacting on or resulting from such differential illegitimacy rates.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Illegitimacy in 19th Century Scotland: Initial Analyses
The 1861 report of the Registrar General for Scotland[2] analysed Scottish illegitimate births and initiated a heated debate on illegitimacy.
Seton examined 1858-59 European illegitimacy statistics. Scottish rates were above average and well above the English rates.
| TABLE 1: EUROPEAN ILLEGITIMATE BIRTH RATES, 1858-59 [3] | |
| COUNTRY | ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS PER 100 |
| England | 6.6 |
| Norway | 6.6 |
| Belgium | 6.6 |
| France | 7.1 |
| Prussia | 7.1 |
| Scotland | 8.9 |
| Denmark | 9.3 |
| Hanover | 9.8 |
| Austria | 11.3 |
Strachan compared 1868 Scottish illegitimacy levels of 9.7%, with 6.4% in England.[4] In 1869 the Registrar General reported that 9.7% of Scottish births were illegitimate[5], 8.36% in 1882,[6] and 7.4% in 1893.[7] Scottish illegitimacy, although reducing, remained relatively high.
Nineteenth Century Perspectives
A range of factors was advanced to explain varying illegitimacy rates. Seton promoted what Reekie described as ‘an eclectic mixture of religion and science’,[8] stating that ‘….for drunkenness and illegitimacy she (i.e. Scotland) retains an unenviable notoriety’.[9] Seton’s 1860 paper proceeded from a research-based identification of social and economic causes of illegitimacy, noted that town and country communities differed and that there was significant variation across Scotland’s counties. He posed various explanatory factors including the bothy system, female employment in agriculture, hiring markets, poor education, low wages and the excess of single females in particular locations.
Strachan, a Perthshire medical doctor, analysed data from parishes across Scotland. He realised that illegitimacy was almost non-existant among the middle classes.[10]
Twentieth and Twenty-first Century Perspectives
BROAD PERSPECTIVES
The industrial developments of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries saw a gradual increase in female labour outwith the home. Burnette explains the change in the gender division of labour in textile production as resulting from the advent of new machinery.[11] Berg indicates that the few large eighteenth century textile factories employed roughly equal proportions of men and women, adults and children.[12] Rapid growth in female employment followed the 1833 Factory Act’s severe limitations on the employment of children. By 1839 almost 60% of English cotton mill employees were female, overwhelmingly single.[13] Females constituted 50 per cent of the labour force in early Lancashire textile mills but 61 per cent in Scotland.[14] In Scotland, by 1850, ‘unskilled or semi-skilled factory work, and in particular that associated with the textile industry, was dominated by women and girls.’[15]
Griffin (2013), considers the changes which the development of the textile industry and steady, well-paid female work, wrought on child-rearing and the propensity to illegitimacy, in particular the view that the combination of independent wage-earning capacity and the dissolution of traditional moral discipline and restraint made the bearing of bastards a less alienating prospect than previously.[16] She notes that female textile-workers were able to afford to raise illegitimate children without the financial aid of the child’s father, and affirming Thompson’s view that power-loom weaving gave women independence:
“Even the unmarried mother might be able, through the laxness of ‘moral discipline’ in many mills, to achieve an independence unknown before.”[17]
Henderson indicates that when workers moved from the countryside to the textile towns, as steam power replaced water power, family stability was threatened, even where the whole family migrated together.[18]
MODERN PERSPECTIVES
Debate on illegitimacy in nineteenth century Scotland continues.
Smout asserted (1976) two factors as interacting to control rates of illegitimacy.
“Sexual morality in Victorian Scotland, then, was in practice largely a function of the authority relationship between parents and children, and the economic situation of both. Where parents were in a position to exercise control they often enforced sexual restraint and responsibility on their sons and daughters, or at least other people’s sons were obliged to accept responsibility for what they did to daughters. This was especially true where illegitimate additions to the family imposed new burdens on an existing household.”[19]
Smout also (1997) identified sufficient wages and ready grandparental support as dual props for independence.
“If a girl had an illegitimate child she could often hand it over to her own mother to look after in her cottage, and pay over part of her wage for its keep.”[20]
Carter suggested researchers cease to view illegitimacy statistics as ‘facts’ and examine illegitimacy in relation to the social meaning of marriage and sexual activity within contexts of the times and cultures under investigation.[21] Blaikie (1998) concludes that while economic factors played a role, underlying local cultural differences persisted.[22]
Woitzack (2009), confirms Strachan’s perception of the social class component, calculating that the number of illegitimate births attributed to the daughters of professional men (in the early 1880s) was minute, only about half per cent.[23]
Blaikie confirms that Scottish illegitimacy rates were generally high, but that these values diverged considerably between regions.[24] Scottish research however has concentrated largely on the rural northeast and southwest of the country, the areas of highest incidence, with little research into nineteenth century, urban illegitimacy.
LOCAL VARIATIONS
Debate continues over ‘cultural’ versus ‘economic’ causes of illegitimacy. Blaikie accepts the economic case but suggests some nuance in respect of continuing local norms. By analysing illegitimacy rates in 1883 across a selection of UK cities and of Scottish counties, Woitzac illustrates the degree of local variance.
| TABLE 2: ILLEGITIMACY RATES, SELECTED UK CITIES, 1883[25] | |
| UK CITIES | ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS PER 1000 |
| London | 38 |
| Birmingham | 45 |
| Liverpool | 58 |
| Glasgow | 83 |
| Edinburgh | 85 |
| Dundee | 104 |
| Aberdeen | 106 |
Illegitimacy rates were significantly higher in Scottish than English cities; and rates in Aberdeen and Dundee significantly higher than in Glasgow and Edinburgh.
| TABLE 3: ILLEGITIMACY RATES, SELECTED SCOTTISH COUNTIES, 1883[26] | |
| SCOTTISH COUNTIES | ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS PER 1000 |
| Orkney | 33 |
| Ayr | 88 |
| Berwick | 103 |
| Roxburgh | 108 |
| Caithness | 115 |
| Aberdeen | 132 |
| Kirkcudbright | 146 |
| Dumfries | 147 |
| Elgin | 152 |
| Banff | 168 |
| Wigtown | 182 |
Across Scotland’s counties, the variation in illegitimacy rates was greater than that across the cities.
Blaikie, (1998) states that the areas of highest late nineteenth century bastardy levels, the northeast and the southwest, continued into the twentieth century.[27] As recently as 1996 Grampian Health Board’s area had Scotland’s highest teenage pregnancy rates, on a par with 1855 illegitimacy rates in the northeast.[28] Local cultural norms appear to have a continuing salience despite changing social and economic conditions.
Blaikie also asserts that the proper measure of illegitimacy in any locality is not the ratio of illegitimate to legitimate births but the ratio of illegitimate births to unmarried females in the population, the illegitimate fertility rate, pointing out that ‘although Aberdeen and Dundee had relatively high bastardy ratios, the ifr measure demonstrates that these were a function of high proportions of unmarried female workers among their populations rather than any propensity toward bastard-bearing among the women.’[29]
ECONOMIC PRESSURES AND FAMILY AUTHORITY
Blaikie et al (1997), note that “in Rothiemay, where illegitimacy was substantially higher than in Skye, only 57.2% of unmarried women aged 15-29 resided with either parents or other relatives, while 77.1% did so on Skye,”[30] suggesting rose levels of illegitimacy with the departure of young women from the parental home. Paddock also notes[31] the tendency for women bearing illegitimate children to return home for their births.
Strachan stated that the issue of illegitimacy could not be separated from that of conceptions out of wedlock. “In rather more than one third (of marriages) a child was born and registered within nine months of the marriage…”[32]
RELIGION
Smout insists that religion was not a crucial factor in the Highlands, the Islands or Banffshire.[33] He does however indicate that concentrations of Irish families, as in Greenock and Dumbarton, generated low illegitimacy rates.[34]
The role of the Established Church also changed. Weakened by urbanisation, schisms and the changing role of the state, its capacity to police sexual morality was reduced. Brown and Stephenson emphasise the declining power of the church to discipline its members: “Despite strong continuities between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries, the Presbyterian churches’ prosecution of women for sexual immorality had practically disappeared after 1870.”[35]
Blaikie suggests by the mid-nineteenth century, less than one-third of men admitted paternity; public penance had become rare; and fines abolished…..[36] That changing role for religion might be seen as representing a further weakening of authority systems.
Church discipline on matters sexual continued however, especially, although not exclusively, in the seceding denominations. Such proceedings however, involved communicant members of the Church in question, members who engaged voluntarily in an internal disciplinary process rather than being forced into in a quasi-civil process.
FAMILY PROCLIVITIES AND FAMILY SUPPORT
Griffin’s study of late eighteenth and early nineteenth century English industrial parishes illustrate that there was ‘a definite gulf’ between the majority of families among whom illegitimate births were rare and ‘a small minority where multiple illegitimate births were relatively common.[37]
Blaikie’s research in north-eastern Scotland and Paddock’s in the south-west demonstrated that cohabitation was rare in rural areas where the incidence of illegitimacy was highest, but unmarried mothers living alone with their children were not common either. The support provided by the unmarried mothers’ parents in housing grandchildren—and, sometimes, the mothers—may have been crucial.[38]
Conclusions
Some patterns emerge from the literature. Industrialisation generally raised levels of illegitimacy. Victorian Scotland had relatively high levels of illegitimacy but these varied across geographical areas and social classes. There appears to be some relationship between economic independence, the continuing capacity of the family to assert authority over young adult off-spring and the family’s capacity to support illegitimate grandchildren, and illegitimacy.
This research seeks to explore these patterns further and to consider illegitimacy trends in four settings, two urban and increasingly industrial, and two rural, but quite different economically; to seek further evidence in respect of illegitimacy rates among women living within and outwith the parental home and/or community; and to identify the factors which may have influenced any such variations and any other patterns which may emerge.
METHODOLOGY
Introduction
The research explores illegitimacy in four Scottish communities, Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs, by asking:
- Did rates of illegitimacy among women living at home with parents differ from those among women living outwith the parental home and/or community?
- Did rates of illegitimacy vary according to employment opportunities for women?
- Do any other patterns, in respect of the bearing and rearing of illegitimate children, emerge?
Primary Research
PERIOD UNDER RESEARCH
The research proceeds by extracting data from Birth Certificates for the years between, and including, 1869 to 1893. These parameters support detailed examination, around each of the three census years, 1871, 1881 and 1891, of a meaningful sample of illegitimate children and their families.
BIRTH AND MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES
The initial task is the identification of the total number of
- births
- illegitimate births
- illegitimate births legitimated by subsequent parental marriage, and
- legitimate births which occurred within eight calendar months or less of the parental marriage,
in each of the four communities over these twenty-five years.
The identification of children conceived outside marriage, born illegitimately but legitimated by subsequent parental marriage, has been informed by two approaches:
- identification through RCEs which note such legitimation
- identification of marriage records of identified parents, across Scotland, in the decade following any illegitimate birth in which both parents were identified.
The data will identify women who bore illegitimate children and will facilitate, in conjunction with census returns and subsequent marriage and death certificates, an analysis of these women in respect of
- age
- occupation/s
- places of birth
- places of residence before and after the birth of the illegitimate child.
Using Birth Certificates in respect of illegitimate births and Marriage Certificates in respect of legitimate births conceived outside marriage, the occupation and literacy of the mothers will be established in most cases.
REGISTERS OF CORRECTED ENTRIES
An analysis of amendments to these Certificates, as noted in the Register of Corrected Entries will further reveal the proportions of such illegitimate births which were
- formally legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the parents
- the subject of an action in respect of the child’s paternity.
The RCEs which outline actions in respect of paternity provide sufficient information on both the pursuant and the pursued individuals to support their being identified and traced on census returns, which then supports the identification of:
- patterns of family and occupational backgrounds among mothers who pursued paternity suits and
- patterns of occupational background and place of residence of fathers against whom paternity suits were pursued.
CENSUS RETURNS
Data extracted from the Registrar General’s census reports and from census returns for 1871, 1881 and 1891 will be analysed. In so doing the research will follow the approach of Blaikie (1998)[39] rather than Goose[40] in defining the female fertile range as 15-49 (rather than 15-44) and will apply Goose’s approach to identifying the illegitimate fertility rate (average number of illegitimate births divided by number of unmarried women in fertility range) for each community. This data will be utilised to establish:
- the numbers of unmarried women aged 15-49 in each community and the proportion of the population which these women comprised
- the occupations, ages and places of birth of unmarried women
- the numbers, occupations, ages and places of birth of unmarried women with whom their own offspring were residing
- the numbers and proportions of these women residing within the parental home
- the nature of the household arrangements (maternal head, grandparental head, unmarried couple etc.) in which illegitimate children were residing.
Attempts will also be made to trace, on the 1871 census returns, illegitimate children whose births were registered in the two years prior to the 1871 census and to analyse on the census returns the surnames by which these children were known and to ascertain any distinguishable naming patterns.
Other themes, which will be developed if appropriate and sufficient evidence arises, and which have been implied by the literature, include:
- the existence of families in which illegitimacy is a recurring pattern
- the extent to which the birth of illegitimate offspring did or did not militate against either subsequent parental marriage or subsequent and continuing cohabitation.
EMPLOYMENT CATEGORIES
Various systems have been devised to differentiate employment categories for statistical analysis. Armstrong’s system for application to the 1851 census, with minor amendment, serves the purposes of this research.[41] He divides occupations into eight categories:
- agriculture
- mining
- building
- manufacture
- transport
- dealing
- public services and professional
Since one of the purposes of the study is to examine the effects of ‘factory’ employment compared to ‘domestic’ industrial employment, the manufacturing category is subdivided into ‘manufacturing, industrial’ and ‘manufacturing, non-industrial’. The mining, building and transport categories are irrelevant to this study since, in most cases, no women, and in a few cases a number sufficiently small to provide a 0% return, fall within them. These categories have therefore been omitted from the data tables.
Local issues and variations
Local issues in respect of employment have had a direct bearing on the methodology.
EMPLOYMENT DEFINITIONS
The transition from domestic to factory production, especially in the textile industry, poses terminological problems. When is a ‘weaver’ a hand-loom weaver and when a power-loom weaver?
At the time of the New Statistical Account, “Almost the whole population residing in Darvel and Newmilns, amounting to upwards of 3,000, depend, directly or indirectly for their subsistence on hand-loom weaving. With the exception one small wool-mill, this is the only branch of manufacture carried on in the parish.”[42] Hand-loom weaving continued, indeed with the Jacquard loom flourished, in Darvel, until 1872-1873, when the handloom trade collapsed. The town’s manufacturing capacity was reinvigorated in 1875 with the first lace-weaving factory.[43] It may therefore be assumed, that except in the case of woollen industry workers, any women employed in the textile industry in Darvel, pre-1875, were working in a domestic or non-industrial context. Darvel records from 1881 onwards specifically note weavers who were not operating in the factory system as handloom weavers. The dubiety concerns 1875-1880 when the specific nature of women’s employment is uncertain. In that period all who are simply denominated as ‘muslin weavers’ have been noted in the ‘manufacturing, non-industrial’ category. Those with more specific trades have been noted in the ‘manufacturing industrial’ category.
There are similar issues in Kilmaurs. The Statistical Account, 1842, indicates that “cotton-weaving and shoemaking are carried on to some extent”.[44] By 1885, “its inhabitants are for the most part employed in shoe and bonnet factories and in the neighbouring coal and iron mines.”[45] Bonnet knitting arrived in Kilmaurs from neighbouring Kilmarnock and Stewarton, where the industry had moved to a factory setting between 1820 and 1842.[46] By the time the present research starts, 1869, bonnet making is factory-based in Kilmaurs as elsewhere in Ayrshire. Women working in it have therefore been counted as being employed in ‘industrial manufacturing’.
Case Studies
The research is supported by the examination of cases, detailed in the Appendices, from each of the four communities. In each community at least one case has been chosen, to exemplify
- illegitimate births in which the mother did not marry the father
- illegitimate births legitimated by subsequent parental marriage
- illegitimate births in respect of which a paternity suit has been pursued
- legitimate births conceived prior to marriage.
These case studies seek to construct the family history of the illegitimate child’s mother (and, where appropriate, of the child and its siblings) and build a systematic picture of each such mother in respect of employment, geographical mobility, relationships with her own family, etc.
ILLEGITIMACY IN BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS, 1869-1893: THE BROAD PATTERNS
Seton indicated illegitimacy rates in 1858/1859 of 10.9% for Forfarshire and 8.8% for Ayrshire.[47] Illegitimacy in Forfarshire, as noted by the Registrar General in, stood at 11.9% and in Ayrshire at 9.1%.[48]
The 1869-1893 data from Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs, of all births conceived outside marriage, is illustrated below.
| TABLE 4: BIRTHS CONCEIVED PRE-MARRIAGE, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS, 1869-1893 | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| TOTAL BIRTHS | 7315 | 550 | 1448 | 3844 |
| ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS number | 1182 | 70 | 69 | 290 |
| ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS %-age of all births | 16% | 13% | 5% | 8% |
| BIRTHS FOR WHICH HUSBAND NOT FATHER number | 17 | 0 | 0 | 1 |
| BIRTHS FOR WHICH HUSBAND NOT FATHER %-age of all births | 0% | 0% | 0% | 0% |
| LEGITIMATE BIRTHS CONCEIVED PRE-MARRIAGE number | 419 | 24 | 115 | 254 |
| LEGITIMATE BIRTHS CONCEIVED PRE-MARRIAGE %-age | 6% | 4% | 8% | 7% |
| TOTAL BIRTHS CONCEIVED PRE- MARRIAGE number | 1618 | 95 | 184 | 546 |
| TOTAL BIRTHS CONCEIVED PRE-MARRIAGE %-age of all births | 22% | 17% | 13% | 14% |
The two Forfarshire communities have higher levels of illegitimacy than the Ayrshire communities. Mean illegitimacy rates for Brechin and Edzell are, respectively, 16% and 13%. The mean rates for Darvel and Kilmaurs are 5% and 8.
Relative levels of illegitimacy and of legitimate children conceived before parental marriage (defined as those born eight months or less after the parental marriage) also differ. In Brechin and Edzell illegitimate births far outnumber legitimate births conceived before marriage. In Darvel, legitimate births conceived before marriage outnumber illegitimate births; in Kilmaurs, they are equal. Despite the fact that the overall level of births conceived before marriage (legitimate and illegitimate) are greater in Forfarshire, the levels of legitimate births conceived before marriage is somewhat greater in both the Ayrshire communities than the Forfarshire communities.
Numbers born illegitimately but legitimated by subsequent parental marriage are illustrated below.
| TABLE 5: BIRTHS, ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS AND SUBSEQUENTLY LEGITIMATED BIRTHS, 1869-1893 | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| TOTAL BIRTHS | 7315 | 550 | 1448 | 3844 |
| ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS number | 1182 | 70 | 69 | 290 |
| ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS %-age | 16% | 13% | 5% | 8% |
| ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS LEGITIMATED BY SUBSEQUENT MARRIAGE number | 155 | 3 | 9 | 36 |
| BIRTHS LEGITIMATED BY SUBSEQUENT MARRIAGE %-age of all births | 2% | 1% | 1% | 1% |
| BIRTHS LEGITIMATED BY SUBSEQUENT MARRIAGE %-age of illegitimate births | 13% | 4% | 13% | 12% |
The ‘legitimated by subsequent parental marriage’ category is consistent across three of the communities at 13/14% of all illegitimate births but only 4% in Edzell.
Tables 4 and 5 and Chart 1 indicate that:
- Illegitimacy rates vary across the four communities, from 5% to 16%.
- In Brechin there is a small number of births (less than 1%) for which the husband of the mother was not the father (technically ‘adulterine bastards’[49]); in Kilmaurs there is one such case but none in Edzell or Darvel.
- Illegitimacy rates in Brechin and Edzell are similar. Illegitimacy rates in Darvel and Kilmaurs are lower than in the Forfarshire communities but broadly similar to each other.
- In the Forfarshire communities the number of illegitimate births outnumbers legitimate births conceived before marriage. In the Ayrshire communities, legitimate births conceived before marriage equal or narrowly outnumber illegitimate births.
- Brechin, Darvel and Kilmaurs have similar proportions (12/13% of all illegitimate births) legitimated by subsequent parental marriage; in Edzell the figure is 4%.
- The two Forfarshire communities, Brechin and Edzell, despite their social and economic dissimilarities, appear to have more in common with each other than with either of the Ayrshire communities. There seems to be a local factor, possibly separate from economic conditions.
Illegitimate fertility ratios also require analysis, particularly given Blaikie’s assertion that the proper measure of illegitimacy in any locality is not the ratio of legitimate to illegitimate births but the ratio of illegitimate births to unmarried females in the population.[50]
The numbers of unmarried women in each community and the mean annual number of illegitimate births in the census years and the two years preceding and two years following each census, have been calculated from birth certificates, the census returns and the annual census reports. The illegitimate fertility rate for the four communities has been calculated for 1869-1873 (Table 6), 1879-1883 (Table 7) and 1889-1893 (Table 8). These rates have been aggregated and averaged (Table 9).
| TABLE 6: ILLEGITIMATE FERTILITY RATES, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL, KILMAURS, 1869-1873 | |||
| Unmarried women, 15-49 | Mean annual live illegitimate births | Illegitimate Fertility Rate | |
| Brechin | 1703 | 49.4 | 29.01 |
| Edzell | 131 | 5.2 | 39.69 |
| Darvel | 186 | 3.2 | 17.2 |
| Kilmaurs | 330 | 8.8 | 26.67 |
In 1869-1873, the rate of illegitimacy per unmarried woman in Edzell is substantially higher than elsewhere, with the lowest rate in Darvel.
| TABLE 7: ILLEGITIMATE FERTILITY RATES, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL, KILMAURS, 1879-1883 | |||
| Unmarried women, 15-49 | Mean annual live illegitimate births | Illegitimate Fertility Rate | |
| Brechin | 1947 | 49.8 | 25.58 |
| Edzell | 95 | 2.2 | 23.16 |
| Darvel | 254 | 2.4 | 9.45 |
| Kilmaurs | 351 | 12.8 | 36.47 |
In 1879-1883, the rate of illegitimacy per unmarried woman in Kilmaurs is substantially higher than elsewhere. Brechin has the second highest ifr; Edzell is in third place. Darvel remains fourth.
| TABLE 8: ILLEGITIMATE FERTILITY RATES, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL, KILMAURS, 1889-1893 | |||
| Unmarried women, 15-49 | Mean annual live illegitimate births | Illegitimate Fertility Rate | |
| Brechin | 1804 | 34.4 | 19.07 |
| Edzell | 83 | 1.4 | 15.05 |
| Darvel | 314 | 3 | 9.55 |
| Kilmaurs | 377 | 11.6 | 30.77 |
In 1889-1893, the rate of illegitimacy per unmarried woman in Kilmaurs is again substantially the highest; Brechin again has the second highest; Edzell the third; Darvel again has the lowest rate.
The above data can be aggregated and averaged.
| TABLE 9: MEAN ILLEGITIMATE FERTILITY RATES, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL, KILMAURS, 1869-1893 | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| ILLEGITIMACY FERTILITY RATES | 24.55 | 25.97 | 12.47 | 31.3 |
Over the three decades, illegitimate fertility rates are greatest in Kilmaurs; Edzell’s are second; Brechin’s, narrowly third; and Darvel’s, fourth by a significant proportion.
Analysis by illegitimacy fertility rates therefore presents a somewhat different picture:
- As well as the lowest illegitimacy rates, Darvel consistently and significantly illustrates the lowest illegitimate fertility rates in each quinquennial block.
- Mean illegitimate fertility rates in the rural community in each county (Edzell and Kilmaurs) exceed mean illegitimate fertility rates in the urban community (Brechin and Darvel) in the same county.
- In Brechin, Edzell and Darvel, illegitimate fertility rates decrease over the period.
- The illegitimate fertility rates for Kilmaurs in the last two blocks are significantly higher than in any of the other three communities.
The dramatically different illegitimacy rates and illegitimate fertility rates in Kilmaurs are however questionable. Goose states that a population with ‘much higher than usual proportion of single women aged 15-24 … will be much more likely to produce a high illegitimate fertility ratio’.[51] 53% of unmarried women in Brechin were 15-24, 54% in Edzell, 64% in Darvel, but 70% in Kilmaurs. That largely explains the aberrantly high Kilmaurs ifr. Further explanation can be found in an analysis of the gender balance in the local populations.
| TABLE 10: UNMARRIED WOMEN AS A %-AGE OF THE TOTAL POPULATIONS AND OF THE FEMALE POPULATIONS OF BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS, 1871-1891 | ||
| %-AGE OF TOTAL POPULATION | %-AGE OF FEMALE POPULATION | |
| Brechin | 17% | 32% |
| Edzell | 12% | 24% |
| Darvel | 14% | 26% |
| Kilmaurs | 10% | 29% |
Although unmarried women comprised 17% of the total population in Brechin and only 10% in Kilmaurs, unmarried women made up an only marginally smaller proportion of the female population in Kilmaurs than in Brechin, because, uniquely, in Kilmaurs, males made up, at each of the census returns, a majority of the population and unmarried males outnumbered unmarried females.
The 1871 census shows Kilmaurs village with 566 males and 579 females, a marginal female majority. In Kilmaurs parish as a whole however there were 1,750 males and 1,609 females, a male majority. In 1881 there were in Kilmaurs village, 576 males and 627 females, but in the parish as a whole, 1,890 males and 1,814 females.[52]
The 1891 census reports have been analysed by age and marital status. In Kilmaurs there were 1,578 unmarried males but only 1,305 unmarried females[53]. When restricted to the 15-49 age group, there were in Kilmaurs, 524 single and widowed men and 377 single and widowed women. In each community, other than Kilmaurs, there was a clear female majority at each census. The 1871 and 1881 statistics for Kilmaurs, moreover, clarify that the male majority is a function of the even greater male preponderance in the rural part (rather than the village) of Kilmaurs. The unusual male majority therefore is concentrated in the coal-mining and agricultural areas of the parish.
A key factor in illegitimacy rates, as vital as the proportion of unmarried women in the population, is the proportion of unmarried men. The ifr, is a peculiarly statistic which relies entirely on female data, and ignores males and their role in the process of fathering illegitimate children. The proper measure of illegitimacy levels may well therefore require a calculation which encompasses numbers of unmarried men as well as women.
The analysis of all illegitimate births, 1869-1893, also facilitated the identification of women who, over that period, bore more than one illegitimate child.
| TABLE 11: MULTIPLE ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS TO INDIVIDUAL MOTHERS IN BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS, 1869-1893 | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| Total illegitimate births | 1182 | 70 | 69 | 290 |
| Total births to individual women who bore more than one illegitimate child | 466 | 17 | 8 | 75 |
| Multiple illegitimate births as %-age of total illegitimate births | 39% | 24% | 12% | 26% |
Multiple illegitimate births are significantly more common in Brechin and significantly less common in Darvel, than in the other communities.
UNMARRIED WOMEN IN THE FOUR COMMUNITIES: THEIR DEMOGRAPHIC, RESIDENTIAL AND ECONOMIC STATUS
Ages
Women identified as having borne illegitimate children ranged in age at childbirth from 16 to 49. Although the legal minimum age for marriage throughout this period was 12 for females,[54], the range of ages at marriage for women who married while pregnant was between 16 and 43. Five pregnant 16-year olds married, all in Kilmaurs. The ages at which women bore illegitimate children has been analysed from the pre-census and post-census cohorts and the averages are illustrated.
| TABLE 12: MEAN AGE OF MOTHERS AT BIRTH OF ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS (PRE-CENSUS AND POST-CENSUS COHORTS) | |
| Brechin | 25.36 |
| Edzell | 23.08 |
| Darvel | 23.38 |
| Kilmaurs | 23.32 |
The mean ages do not vary significantly, except in Brechin, with the highest illegitimacy rates, where the average age is higher.
The average age at marriage of women who bore a child within eight months of marriage has been calculated from marriage certificates
.
| TABLE 13: MEAN AGE AT MARRIAGE OF WOMEN WHO BORE CHILDREN CONCEIVED PRIOR TO MARRIAGE, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS | |
| Brechin | 23.89 |
| Edzell | 24.83 |
| Darvel | 22.97 |
| Kilmaurs | 22.71 |
The mean age at marriage of women who bore children conceived before marriage has been calculated and compared with the four communities’ mean female marriage age[i].
| TABLE 14: AGES AT MARRIAGE OF WOMEN WHO HAD CONCEIVED PRIOR TO MARRIAGE COMPARED TO WHOLE COMMUNITIES | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| All women | 25.15 | 27.53 | 26.76 | 23.92 |
| Women pregnant at marriage | 23.89 | 24.83 | 22.97 | 22.71 |
Unsurprisingly, the average age of those marrying when pregnant is lower than that at marriage generally. In Darvel and Kilmaurs, where children conceived before marriage equal or outnumber illegitimate children, the average age of marriage for such women is lower than in Brechin and Edzell; the pressures on the pregnant to marriage not only increase the proportions marrying but decrease the age at which it occurs. The ages at marriage of women in Brechin and Edzell, who had conceived prior to marriage were very similar, less than a year of difference. In the two Ayrshire communities, there is an even greater similarity.
The substantially greater difference in Darvel in mean ages at marriage between pregnant women and women generally, seen alongside the generally low illegitimacy rates, reinforces the sense of a community where strong pressure on unmarried, pregnant women to marriage and the avoidance of illegitimacy was applied.
Places of Birth and Residence
PLACES OF BIRTH
Birthplaces of all unmarried females[ii] have been analysed across the 1871, 1881 and 1891 census returns and arranged by whether the woman was born in the same parish/ community, in the same county or outwith the county, in which residing at census time.
| TABLE 15: PLACES OF BIRTH OF UNMARRIED WOMEN | |||
| Parish/ community | County | Extra-county | |
| Brechin | 42% | 30% | 28% |
| Edzell | 34% | 33% | 33% |
| Darvel | 77% | 12% | 12% |
| Kilmaurs | 39% | 41% | 20% |
That women were born beyond the community in which resident does not inevitably mean that they had left the family home in adulthood. Some may have left their native areas in childhood, some later but with their family. Nonetheless that data can be compared with data illustrating the birthplaces of mothers of illegitimate children. 77% of unmarried women in Darvel were born in Darvel; alternatively, 58%, 66% and 61% of the unmarried women in Brechin, Edzell and Kilmaurs respectively, but only 24% in Darvel, were ‘incomers’. Most of Darvel’s unmarried women were born locally. Elsewhere, most were incomers.
The birthplaces of women who bore illegitimate children have also been arranged by whether the mother was born in the same parish/ community, in the same county or outwith the county, of her child’s birth.
| TABLE 16: PLACES OF BIRTH OF MOTHERS OF ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN | |||
| Parish/ community | County | Extra-county | |
| Brechin | 39% | 30% | 31% |
| Edzell | 41% | 38% | 22% |
| Darvel | 75% | 21% | 4% |
| Kilmaurs | 37% | 51% | 13% |
What emerges is that:
- A greater proportion of Edzell women who bore illegitimate children were born in the parish than for unmarried women generally.
- Elsewhere, a greater proportion of the women bearing illegitimate children were born outwith the community than for unmarried women generally.
- Darvel, with the lowest overall illegitimacy rates, has the greatest number of illegitimate children born to women born within the community.
- In Brechin, with the highest illegitimacy rates, mothers of illegitimate children are significantly more likely to be born outside the county than in the other communities, although not significantly more likely than the proportion of women generally.
PRE-BIRTH/ MARRIAGE RESIDENCE
The following table analyses in whose home women who gave birth shortly after the census to children conceived outwith marriage, were residing pre-birth/ marriage.
| TABLE 17: POST-CENSUS BIRTHS, PRE-BIRTH RESIDENCE OF MOTHERS | |||||||||
| Mothers of illegitimate children | Mothers of pre-nuptial conceptions | ||||||||
| Parental | Own | Employer’s | Other | Parental | Own | Employer’s | Other | ||
| Brechin | 44% | 16% | 16% | 24% | 59% | 6% | 8% | 27% | |
| Edzell | 20% | 10% | 50% | 20% | 50% | 0% | 25% | 25% | |
| Darvel | 63% | 0% | 25% | 13% | 86% | 0% | 0% | 14% | |
| Kilmaurs | 40% | 12% | 37% | 12% | 50% | 0% | 32% | 18% | |
Several initial conclusions may be drawn:
- Except in Darvel, the majority of women who bear illegitimate children were residing outwith the parental home.
- At least 50% of women who conceived prior to marriage but married prior to the child’s birth, were residing in the parental home, substantially more in Darvel.
- Where illegitimacy is highest (Brechin), mothers of illegitimate children were more likely to have been residing in their own households; where lowest (Darvel), no mothers of illegitimate children were living in their own households.
- There is a significant correlation between the lowest rates of illegitimacy (Darvel) and mothers residing in the parental home. There is also a highly significant correlation between the highest rates of legitimate, pre-nuptially conceived births (again Darvel) and high levels of mothers residing in the parental home.
- The proportions of mothers of both illegitimate children and legitimate children conceived before marriage, who are residing with their employers, are significantly higher in Edzell and in Darvel than elsewhere.
The above data can then be compared with data on all unmarried females of child bearing age.
| TABLE 18: RESIDENCE OF UNMARRIED WOMEN AS INDICATED IN CENSUS RETURNS, 1871-1891 | ||||
| Parental | Own | Employer’s | Other | |
| Brechin | 58% | 13% | 14% | 14% |
| Edzell | 46% | 8% | 32% | 15% |
| Darvel | 71% | 12% | 3% | 14% |
| Kilmaurs | 56% | 6% | 24% | 15% |
Darvel has by the far the highest proportion of unmarried women residing with their parents and the lowest proportion living with employers.
The above data conclusively confirms what may appear obvious:
- Young, single women heading their own households are more likely to fall pregnant than those residing with parents. This may be for various reasons, including lack of parental control, opportunities for privacy, and a correlation between independent earning and the capacity to rent one’s own tenancy.
- Young, single women, residing with their parents and falling pregnant are more likely to marry than those not living with their parents. This may be a function of continuing parental control or other factors.
The residential arrangements of unmarried women can be calculated from the census returns, as can the residential arrangements of mothers of illegitimate children and mothers of children conceived before marriage, by reference to the census prior to either the birth or the marriage. These arrangements can be analysed.
| TABLE 19: RESIDENCE OF UNMARRIED WOMEN IN BRECHIN BY HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD | ||||
| Parent | Self | Employer | Other | |
| All unmarried females, 15-49 | 58% | 13% | 14% | 14% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children, prior to birth of child | 44% | 16% | 16% | 24% |
| Mothers of children conceived before marriage, prior to marriage | 59% | 6% | 8% | 27% |
In Brechin, where illegitimacy is high:
- Women who bear illegitimate children were significantly less likely to reside with their parents than unmarried women generally or those who marry while pregnant
- Women who bear illegitimate children were marginally more likely to have been head of a household than for the population as a whole and significantly more likely than those women who marry while pregnant
- Women who bear illegitimate children were marginally more likely to be residing with their employer than for the population as a whole and significantly more likely than those women who marry while pregnant.
The residential arrangements of unmarried women in Edzell have been calculated.
| TABLE 20: RESIDENCE OF UNMARRIED WOMEN IN EDZELL BY HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD | ||||
| Parent | Self | Employer | Other | |
| All unmarried females, 15-49 | 46% | 8% | 32% | 15% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children, prior to birth of child | 20% | 10% | 50% | 20% |
| Mothers of children conceived before marriage, prior to marriage | 50% | 0% | 25% | 25% |
In Edzell, as in Brechin,
- Women who bear illegitimate children were significantly less likely to reside with their parents than unmarried women generally or those who marry while pregnant
- Women who bear illegitimate children were more likely to have been head of a household than unmarried women generally and significantly more likely than those who marry while pregnant.
The statistics in respect of women residing with their employers is even more stark in Edzell than in Brechin. Women who bear illegitimate children are significantly more likely to be residing with their employer than either unmarried women generally or women who marry while pregnant.
The residential arrangements for unmarried women in Darvel have been calculated.
| TABLE 21: RESIDENCE OF UNMARRIED WOMEN IN DARVEL BY HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD | ||||
| Parent | Self | Employer | Other | |
| All unmarried females, 15-49 | 71% | 12% | 3% | 14% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children, prior to birth of child | 63% | 0% | 25% | 13% |
| Mothers of children conceived before marriage, prior to marriage | 86% | 0% | 0% | 14% |
Darvel exhibits the highest proportion of women, across the population but also in the two groups under review, residing in the parental home.
The residential arrangements for unmarried women in Kilmaurs have been calculated.
| TABLE 22: RESIDENCE OF UNMARRIED WOMEN IN KILMAURS BY HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD | ||||
| Parent | Self | Employer | Other | |
| All unmarried females, 15-49 | 56% | 6% | 24% | 15% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children, prior to birth of child | 40% | 12% | 37% | 12% |
| Mothers of children conceived before marriage, prior to marriage | 50% | 0% | 32% | 18% |
In Kilmaurs
- Women who bear illegitimate children are significantly less likely to reside with their parents than unmarried women generally
- Women who bear illegitimate children are more likely to be living as head of a household than unmarried women generally
- Women who bear illegitimate children and women who marry while pregnant are more likely to residing with their employer than unmarried women generally.
It might then be further deduced that:
- Unmarried women residing independently, in their own households, were more likely to be sexually involved and to fall pregnant than those living with parents;
- Unmarried women residing with their employer are more likely to fall pregnant and bear an illegitimate child than those living with their parents;
- Unmarried women residing with their parents who are sexually involved and fall pregnant are more likely to marry than those residing independently.
POST-BIRTH LOCATION AND RESIDENCE
The data on pre-census births illustrates the domiciliary arrangements for illegitimate children at the time of the census after their births. The headings ‘maternal home’, ‘grand-parental with mother’ and ‘grand-parental home without mother’ are self-explanatory. ‘Parental home’ covers situations in which the parents may or may not be married by the time of the census. ‘Other’ includes several broad categories, including the mother and child in lodgings, the child residing (with or without the mother) with a family member other than the grandparent, and the child boarded in a household without the mother.
| TABLE 23: LOCATION OF ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN ON CENSUS AFTER BIRTH, 1871-1891 | |||||
| Maternal home | Parental home | Grand-parental home with mother | Grand-parental home without mother | Other | |
| Brechin | 22% | 10% | 39% | 5% | 24% |
| Edzell | 5% | 18% | 50% | 9% | 18% |
| Darvel | 6% | 19% | 56% | 6% | 13% |
| Kilmaurs | 4% | 25% | 44% | 10% | 15% |
Although a range of domiciliary arrangements pertained across all communities, the evidence is that the proportion of illegitimate children residing in the:
- maternal home is very significantly higher in Brechin, the community with the highest illegitimacy rates, than elsewhere;
- parental home (i.e. with both parents) is significantly higher in Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs than in Brechin;
- grand-parental home, either with or without the mother, is significantly lower in Brechin than elsewhere;
- grand-parental home in Darvel (67%), with the lowest illegitimacy rates, is almost double the proportion in Brechin (35%), with the highest illegitimacy rates.
Smout’s assertion that a mother in regular rural employment could often hand her illegitimate child “over to her own mother to look after in her cottage, and pay over part of her wage for its keep,”[55] is partially supported by these statistics. Although the proportions of children residing with grandparents, but without the mother present, is indeed higher in the rural communities, Edzell and Kilmaurs, they remain small compared to the other care arrangements. Perhaps more significantly, the grandparental home was the environment to which many mothers returned with their illegitimate children. Indeed, in all four communities the residence of the mother and child in the grandparental home is the largest single domestic arrangement which operates.
Literacy and Illiteracy
Birth and marriage certificates offer some indication of literacy levels. Birth certificates require the signature of an informant, not necessarily the mother. Since many practically illiterate individuals could ‘sign’ their names, a signature is not proof of literacy, but a signature with a mark is almost conclusive proof of illiteracy. It has therefore been possible to assess, from birth certificates, in many cases, whether the mother of an illegitimate child is illiterate. Where the informant on the birth certificate was a third party, other documents, (subsequent marriage certificates, birth certificates of subsequent children) have been sought.
Because all marriage certificates required a signature or mark from both parties, illiteracy among all mothers of children conceived before marriage can be assessed. Given these caveats, the following illustrates traced illiteracy, among mothers of illegitimate children and mothers of children conceived before marriage.
| TABLE 24: ILLITERACY TRACED AMONG MOTHERS OF ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN AND MOTHERS OF CHILDREN CONCEIVED BEFORE MARRIAGE, 1869-1893 | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 13% | 3% | 7% | 23% |
| Mothers of children conceived before marriage | 3% | 0% | 5% | 15% |
In each of the four communities, women who bore illegitimate children were significantly more likely to be illiterate than women who married while pregnant. Unmarried, pregnant women who were illiterate were significantly less likely to marry before the birth of their child, and therefore to bear an illegitimate child, than the unmarried, pregnant, literate woman.
Employment
An analysis has been made of the employment of all women who either bore illegitimate children or children conceived prior to marriage. The employment status of all unmarried women aged 15-49 has also been calculated, using the census returns.
| TABLE 25: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN AGED 15-49, IN BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS, 1871-1891 | |||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & Professional | Domestic | None | |
| Brechin | 2% | 53% | 0% | 10% | 4% | 20% | 12% |
| Edzell | 3% | 1% | 2% | 14% | 5% | 52% | 23% |
| Darvel | 1% | 53% | 21% | 11% | 0% | 11% | 3% |
| Kilmaurs | 9% | 26% | 0% | 11% | 1% | 35% | 18% |
Several methodological caveats must be noted.
- The numbers employed in agriculture in Edzell, an overwhelmingly agricultural community, appear unexpectedly low. There are however high numbers, many residing on farms, noted under the ‘domestic’ heading. Women noted as ‘domestic’ or ‘general’ servants, residing on farms, may well have worked in the fields or dairy when need arose.
- The ‘domestic’ category includes women noted as ‘at home’, ‘working in the house’ or other such descriptions of young women living in the family home, without formal employment.
- Many of those for whom no occupation was given were farmers’ or professional men’s daughters, from relatively affluent families. Some however, in Kilmaurs, were miners’ daughters.
- As indicated, there is some dubiety in differentiating between industrial and non-industrial employment categories in Darvel, 1875-1880.
These caveats notwithstanding, it is clear that:
- Brechin and Darvel, have the largest proportions (53% in both) of unmarried women employed in the industrial subset of manufacturing.
- There is a substantial minority of women in Kilmaurs employed in manufacturing.
- Even in Brechin and Darvel, there is a small number of women working in agriculture.
THE FATHERS OF ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN
In almost every case, except that of abandoned foundlings, the identification of a child’s mother is straight-forward. The identification of the father (until recent advances in DNA science) has been more challenging; even more so with the fathers of illegitimate children. Yet to examine factors which influence local illegitimacy rates, some attempt to identify patterns among fathers seems essential.
Paternity Actions
All 1869-1893 Records of Corrected Entries relating to paternity suits in the four communities have been noted. Such data does not provide evidence about the generality of men who fathered illegitimate children but only about that cohort pursued by the mothers of their children.
| TABLE 26: PATERNITY ACTIONS AS PROPORTION OF ILEGITIMATE BIRTHS | ||||
| Brechin | Edzell | Darvel | Kilmaurs | |
| Illegitimate births: number | 1182 | 71 | 69 | 291 |
| Paternity actions: number | 146 | 11 | 9 | 27 |
| Paternity actions as %-age of illegitimate births | 12% | 15% | 13% | 9% |
There is no great variation. The highest proportion of paternity suits was pursued in Edzell and the lowest in Kilmaurs. The occupations and places of residence of such men are more revealing.[iii]
| TABLE 27: OCCUPATIONS OF MEN AGAINST WHOM PATERNITY SUITS WERE PURSUED, AS INDICATED BY RCEs. | |||||||
| Agricultural workers | Farmers/ farmers’ sons | Textile workers | Miners | Labourers | Others | Not identified | |
| Brechin | 32% | 2% | 15% | 0% | 10% | 38% | 4% |
| Edzell | 58% | 0% | 0% | 0% | 8% | 33% | 0% |
| Darvel | 33% | 0% | 33% | 11% | 0% | 22% | 0% |
| Kilmaurs | 21% | 14% | 3% | 21% | 10% | 31% | 0% |
What emerges is the proportion of agricultural workers and of farmers and farmers’ sons, who fathered illegitimate children but required court action to force them to acknowledge their responsibilities. Even in urban Brechin more than twice as many paternity suits were pursued against agricultural workers than textile workers, the largest single local occupational category. In Darvel also there was an exact equality of paternity suits against agricultural workers and textile workers. This preponderance of agricultural workers among fathers who failed to acknowledge voluntarily their paternity reinforces Blaikie’s assertion that rural illegitimacy sky-rocketed in the mid-19th century, “where servants moved between farms, and thus outside of any localised purview, at six monthly intervals”.[56] Blaikie also echoes Seton’s comments[57] from the last century that the bothy system itself was partly responsible for such attitudes, stating: “As increasing numbers of teenagers left home to work, the incursion of agrarian capitalism meant that, unlike in the old order, unmarried farm servants ate and slept separately from their employers, whose moral oversight no longer extended beyond working hours.”[58]
The RCEs also identify the places of residence of these fathers who required legal pursuit.
| TABLE 28: RESIDENCE OF MEN AGAINST WHOM PATERNITY SUITS WERE PURSUED, AS INDICATED BY RCEs. | ||||
| Within Parish | Within County | Outwith County | Not known | |
| Brechin | 45% | 40% | 14% | 1% |
| Edzell | 27% | 64% | 9% | 0% |
| Darvel | 56% | 33% | 11% | 0% |
| Kilmaurs | 27% | 73% | 0% | 0% |
Within three of the communities, the majority against whom paternity suits were pursued, resided outside the community. The exception is Darvel, with both the lowest rate of illegitimate births and the lowest illegitimate fertility rates, although even there, 44% of all paternity suits were pursued against men residing outwith the parish. The data on illegitimate births in respect of which paternity was acknowledged, found by court decree or legitimated by subsequent marriage, is also illustrated.
| TABLE 29: PATERNITY OF ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS, BRECHIN, EDZELL, DARVEL AND KILMAURS, 1869-1893 | ||||
| BRECHIN | EDZELL | DARVEL | KILMAURS | |
| Total number of illegitimate children | 1,182 | 71 | 69 | 291 |
| Paternity registered as acknowledged, number | 279 | 17 | 11 | 92 |
| Paternity registered as acknowledged, %-age | 24% | 24% | 16% | 32% |
| Paternity found by decree of court, number | 146 | 11 | 9 | 27 |
| Paternity voluntarily acknowledged but without marriage following, number | 136 | 12 | 2 | 56 |
| Paternity voluntarily acknowledged but without marriage following, %-age | 49% | 17% | 18% | 60% |
| Paternity found by decree of court, %-age | 12% | 15% | 13% | 9% |
| Children legitimised by subsequent marriage of parents, number | 143 | 5 | 9 | 36 |
| Children legitimised by subsequent marriage of parents, %-age | 12% | 7% | 13% | 12% |
Men in Darvel were least willing to acknowledge paternity. Men in Edzell were more willing to do so but less willing to marry thereafter. Men in Kilmaurs least required legal action to identify themselves as fathers and were most willing to acknowledge paternity.
Illegitimate children whose births were registered in the two years prior to the 1871 census have been identified on the census and the surnames (mother’s surname, given middle name, reputed or acknowledged father’s name, step-father’s name or other name) by which these children were known are illustrated.
| TABLE 30: SURNAMES BY WHICH ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN BORN 1869-1871 ARE NOTED IN 1871 CENSUS | |||||
| Mother’s name | Middle name | Acknowledged/ proved father’s name | Step-father’s/ mother’s partner’s name | Other name | |
| Brechin: number | 35 | 20 | 13 | 0 | 4 |
| Brechin: %-age | 49% | 28% | 18% | 0% | 6% |
| Edzell: number | 8 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 |
| Edzell: %-age | 62% | 15% | 8% | 8% | 8% |
| Darvel: number | 6 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Darvel: %-age | 100% | 0% | 0% | 0% | 0% |
| Kilmaurs: number | 5 | 0 | 7 | 0 | 0 |
| Kilmaurs: %-age | 42% | 0% | 58% | 0% | 0% |
In Darvel, which showed both the lowest illegitimacy rates and the lowest illegitimate fertility rates, illegitimate children were known by their mother’s maiden name. When this is considered beside the evidence presented of only 16% of men in Darvel (compared to 24%-32% in the other communities) who fathered illegitimate children voluntarily acknowledging paternity, a picture emerges of a community where illegitimacy was relatively rare, but men neither took responsibility for their actions nor had it thrust publicly upon them by the naming of their bastards with their names.
The opposite appears the case in Kilmaurs where a majority of the traced illegitimate children are known simply by their father’s surname.
In Brechin and Edzell. it seems to have been a common convention among a sizable minority to give an illegitimate child a middle name, by which the child was subsequently known. Blaikie suggested that “bastard begetters were not always cloaked in anonymity, a further sign that a considerable proportion of sexual liaisons were common knowledge, at least after the fact”[59] and where illegitimate children were known, not by the maternal name, but by another, it was often the paternal name. Paddock similarly noted “the use of surnames as middle names for bastard children” being used by the mother as “a tool to advertise paternity”.[60]
From all of the data relating to paternal identity, it may be concluded that:
- A far greater proportion of paternity suits were pursued against agricultural workers than their proportion of the male population would have suggested. This may relate to the feeing system and migratory nature of agricultural employment.
- In three of the four communities a majority of paternity suits were pursued against men from outwith the parish; in the fourth, Darvel, a very significant minority of paternity suits were pursued against men from outwith the parish; and men from outwith the community of the woman pregnant with their child were more likely than men within that community to seek to escape their responsibilities.
- In Darvel, fathers who had not acknowledged paternity of their illegitimate off-spring did not have that paternity publicly advertised by the mother’s utilisation of the father’s surname as a middle name by which the child was known.
THE FOUR COMMUNITIES
The Forfarshire Communities
Forfarshire (now Angus) lies south of Kincardineshire and east of Perthshire. Brechin and Edzell are illustrated in the map below.
MAP 1: PARISHES OF ANGUS[61]
The parish of Edzell, separated from Brechin by the parish of Stracathro, bounds Kincardineshire to the northeast. To its northwest are the Angus Glens parishes of Lochlee and Lethnot and Navar.
MAP 2: BRECHIN AND EDZELL[62]
Brechin
POPULATION AND ECONOMY
By the early 19th century linen hand-loom weaving was well established in Brechin. By 1810, water-driven power-looms had been introduced at the East Mills flax works. What postponed their more general use was a sharp post-war fall in weaving wages.[63]
By 1831, Brechin’s population was 6,508, with some 5,000 residing in the Burgh. Of 1,673 families in the parish, 306 were engaged in agriculture and 1,030 in trade, handicraft or manufacture. In 1838 the main branches of manufacture were heckling, employing 30, spinning employing 200, weaving employing between 1,000 and 1,500, and bleaching, employing 40 to 50.[64] There were 870 linen hand-looms.[65] In 1838, the Valley Works opened, with 250 hand-looms, systematically bringing the hand-loom from the weaver’s home into a water-powered factory.[66]
MAP 3: BRECHIN[67]
By 1846 two spinning mills employed some 300 persons. From 1,200 to 1,500 were employed in linen weaving, about sixty in heckling, and over seventy in bleaching.[68]
In 1851, the spinning mill was converted into a paper-mill. J & J Smart’s factory opened in 1854 with a modest number of power looms and 150 handloom weavers.[69] Steam-powered power-loom weaving had been introduced in 1852 and further factory-based steam power-loom weaving was introduced in 1864.[70]
By 1861, the population had risen to 7,180.[71] By 1864, J & J Smart’s were operating 308 power looms, while Duke’s Denburn Works had 500 power looms.[72] Daker’s weaving factories retained some handlooms and employed a small number of handloom weavers working at home.[73] The East Mills in 1864 employed 266 females and 153 males; the East Mills Bleachfield employed 104 males and 50 females and the Inch Bleachfield employed 70 males and 30 females.[74] In 1867, Brechin’s linen factories employed 1,322 persons.[75]
Brechin’s power-loom linen factories then, at the outset of the period of this study, employed a female majority female and substantial numbers of women were employed in other textile-industry facilities.
By 1882, the paper-mill, two flax-mills, and five linen factories operated. The manufacture of osnaburgs, brown linen, and sailcloth, made up the staple business. Numbers in employment were lower than in the 1840s, thanks to improved machinery. The weaving, previously done by hand, was by then mostly done by power-looms in factories.[76]
Although an industrial town, the parish of Brechin had a substantial rural hinterland of some 14,000 acres, supporting a thriving agricultural economy. Black indicates that in 1831, 306 out of the burgh’s 1,673 families and 186 out the parish rural area’s 286 families, were engaged in agriculture.[77]
By 1869 Brechin had experienced growth, industrialisation and the replacement of a once-powerful handloom weaving industry with a factory based power-loom weaving industry. The parish also supported several other factory-based industrial ventures and a thriving agricultural hinterland.
RELIGION
In 1838, as well as the parish church, there were two United Secession congregations, one Original Secession and one Relief congregation, and an English Episcopal Chapel.[78] The 1851 Religious Census indicates that there were eleven churches, one Established, one Original Secession, three United Presbyterian, three Free, one Episcopalian, one Independent and one Roman Catholic. The total numbers attending worship on census day were 3,487 at the Free Churches; 2,850 at the Established Church; 2,112 at the UP churches; 784 at the Original Secession Church; 330 at the Episcopal church; 60 at the RC church; and 47 at the Independent church.[79] By 1885, Brechin possessed two Established churches.[80]
Church discipline in respect of sexual morality continued throughout the period under research. The Session of Brechin East Church considered three cases of ‘ante-nuptial fornication’ in May 1893.[81] High Street United Presbyterian Church considered charges of ante-nuptial fornication against two of its members in November 1893.[82] The denominational strengths in the town are reflected in marriages.
| TABLE 31: MARRIAGE IN BRECHIN BY DENOMINATION, 1871, 1881, 1891 | ||||||
| Established Church | Free Church | UP Church | EU | Episcopal Church | By declaration before witnesses | |
| 1871 | 52% | 23% | 23% | 0% | 2% | 0% |
| 1881 | 48% | 28% | 16% | 2% | 7% | 0% |
| 1891 | 46% | 20% | 26% | 3% | 3% | 3% |
Brechin appears to be substantially but not overwhelmingly committed to the Established Church but with strong minorities around the Free and United Presbyterian churches and small Evangelical Union and Episcopal minorities.
BIRTHS CONCEIVED OUTSIDE MARRIAGE
Chart 2 illustrates the chronological data on Brechin births conceived outside marriage.
Brechin’s 16% illegitimacy rate over these twenty-five years puts it very significantly above the other three communities (twice the level in Kilmaurs and three times the level in Darvel) and well above the Forfarshire average. Brechin also had a small, but clearly apparent, number of births to married women in respect of which the husband was not the father. When the legitimate births conceived before marriage are included, 22% of all children born in Brechin were conceived outside wedlock.
In the first five years of the study illegitimate births averaged 17% of all births and in the last five years 13%. That slight fall parallels national trends. Legitimate births conceived prior to marriage remained steady over the period, averaging 6% of all births in both the first and last five years of the study.
Although illegitimate births in Darvel are outnumbered and in Kilmaurs equalled, by legitimate births conceived outside marriage, in Brechin illegitimate births far outnumber (16% cf. 6%) legitimate births conceived outside marriage.
Illegitimacy, it appears, was a norm accepted by at least a very significant minority of unmarried Brechin women, a perception reinforced by the levels of multiple illegitimate children to individual women, illustrated by the cases of Mary Scott and Ann Bearn.[iv] In Brechin 39% of all illegitimate births were to women who already had at least one other illegitimate child, more than three times the rate in Darvel. The case studies of Mary Scott and Annie Hunter Bearn also highlight of another aspect of Brechin illegitimacy: the seeming willingness of some women to bear illegitimate children with a range of partners.
That illegitimacy was an accepted part of Brechin life is also reflected in the naming pattern where an illegitimate child was often (28% of all illegitimate births) given a middle name, by which surname that child was subsequently known, a public identifier of the father. This pattern might be seen as a confident assertion to the community by mothers, without recourse to legal action, of the name of the putative father of their child, perhaps even a defiant act of naming-and-shaming.
Unmarried women made up the largest proportion (17%) of Brechin’s total population and the largest proportion of the female population (32%) of any of the four communities. This explains why the Brechin ifr (illegitimate fertility rate) does not stand out as significantly as its illegitimate birth rate. Nonetheless, its ifr is double the equivalent rate in Darvel.
ILLITERACY
In Brechin, as elsewhere, far more women who were illiterate and pregnant had their child unmarried (13%) than those who married (3%). It may be tentatively assumed that literacy and education predisposed the pregnant woman to marriage or it may be that literacy and education are acting here as indicators of social status and origins.
WOMEN’S EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS
A majority (53%) of unmarried Brechin women worked in the industrial manufacturing sector, overwhelmingly linen weaving, a proportion equalled only in Darvel.
| TABLE 32: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN AGED 15-49, IN BRECHIN | |||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & professional | Domestic | None | |
| All unmarried females, 15-49 | 2% | 53% | 0%[v] | 10% | 4% | 20% | 12% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 4% | 59% | 1% | 2% | 0% | 28% | 5% |
| Mothers of children conceived prior to marriage | 0% | 60% | 0% | 4% | 8% | 28% | 8% |
The Brechin data indicates that:
- Women employed in the agricultural sector were more likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. Such women did not marry but had their child out of wedlock.
- Women working in the factory sector, primarily linen weaving, constituted the majority of the unmarried female population and were more likely conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. They constituted 59% of mothers of illegitimate children. There is no significant difference among such women who fell pregnant, between those who married and those who had their child out of wedlock.
- Women employed in the dealing and professional and public services sectors and those with no noted employment were relatively small groups and less likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women working in the domestic sector were more likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. There is no significant difference, among such women who fell pregnant, between those who married and those who had their child out of wedlock.
WOMEN’S RESIDENTIAL STATUS, GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS AND FAMILY SUPPORT
In Brechin, as in Darvel and Kilmaurs, a majority of unmarried women lived in the parental home, but compared to 58% generally, only 44% of those who bore illegitimate children did so. Unmarried women generally, as well as both those who bore illegitimate children and those married while pregnant, were more likely than elsewhere to be head of their own household: 13% of all unmarried women headed their own household as did 16% of the mothers of illegitimate children. Domestic independence, if not a norm, was at least substantially more common in Brechin than elsewhere. For single women to head a household was in itself a statement of social and moral autonomy. Similarly, the proportion of illegitimate children (at the census after their birth) residing in the maternal home (i.e. without father of grandparents) is very significantly higher in Brechin (22%) than in the other communities where such arrangements range from 4% to 6%. Again this may be understood as indicating a greater degree of female autonomy.
BRECHIN: A SUMMARY
Brechin had the highest illegitimacy rates of the four communities under review. Not only was the textile industry the employer of the majority of unmarried women in Brechin but it was over-represented among those who bore illegitimate children and those who fell pregnant before marriage. What also stands out in Brechin is the relatively high number of unmarried women generally, and even more among those who have borne illegitimate children, heading their own households.
Illegitimacy was a norm accepted by at least a very significant minority of unmarried Brechin women. Women bearing multiple illegitimate children and women bearing illegitimate children to different men were more common and the fear of illegitimacy (or the fear of the shame of illegitimacy) was a less effective goad to marriage in Brechin than in the other communities. The convention of giving an illegitimate child, as a middle name by which they would be known, the surname of the putative father is a further sign of a defiant independence.
The influence of the linen industry on illegitimacy in Brechin however may transcend those immediately employed within it and touch on the entire unmarried female population for whom the existence of such employment opportunities offered, in the event of falling pregnant, a viable economic alternative to marriage.
Edzell
POPULATION AND ECONOMY
Edzell is a rural parish, the further stretches of which enter the Angus Glens. Its population had varied between 963 in 1791 and 1076 in 1841 but had fallen to 976 in 1871, to 823 in 1881[83] and 700 in 1891.[84]
MAP 4: EDZELL[85]
Its economy had been agricultural until 1839 when Lord Panmure developed Edzell village. By 1842 some 300 inhabitants resided in the village, the remainder, some two-thirds of the total, in the surrounding rural area. A wool mill employed 34 individuals and 50 linen hand looms operated.[86] By 1846, the handlooms had reduced to twenty-seven. Farms were generally of ‘moderate size’. [87]
RELIGION
In 1842 the community overwhelmingly adhered to the Established Church except for some 28 or 30 Episcopalians and one Roman Catholic family.[88] By the 1880s it also had a Free Church congregation.[89]
In both the Free and Established Churches, church discipline in respect of sexual behaviour continued throughout the period under review. Agnes Dakers compeared before Edzell Free Church Session in 1869, having confessed that she had ‘borne a child begotten in fornication’.[90] The Free Church Session considered a case of a woman having borne an illegitimate child in August 1892.[91] Edzell Parish Church Session interrogated one of its members in October 1893 after she ‘had given birth to a child begotten in fornication.’.[92]
Denominational strengths in the parish are reflected in marriages.
| TABLE 33: MARRIAGES IN EDZELL BY DENOMINATION, 1871, 1881, 1891 | |||
| Established Church | Free Church | Episcopal Church | |
| 1871 | 75% | 13% | 13% |
| 1881 | 40% | 60% | 0% |
| 1891 | 50% | 50% | 0% |
This data suggests a community which adhered to a small range of churches but one where there was substantial defection from the Established to the Free Church in the 1870s.
BIRTHS CONCEIVED OUTSIDE MARRIAGE
Chart 3 illustrates the chronological data on Edzell births conceived outside marriage.
Over the 25 years Edzell’s mean illegitimacy rate was 13%, second only to Brechin among the four communities, and above the 1871 Forfarshire average of 11.9%. Edzell’s illegitimacy rates however, fell significantly. In 1869-1873 the average rate stood at 21%; in 1889-1893 at 9%. Rates of legitimate births conceived before marriage remained almost constant, at 5% in the first five years of the study and 6% in the last. Edzell produces a particularly jagged profile because of the small numbers in the cohort. A re-grouping of the above data, in five year blocks, illustrates the trends more clearly.
If the first five years of the study are omitted, Edzell’s illegitimacy rate falls from 13% to 10% and its legitimate births conceived before marriage remains at 4%.
There is no obvious local economic factor to explain the post-1873 decrease in illegitimacy rates, although Mackie notes 1873-1892 as a period of agricultural depression across Scotland[93] and, as noted, Edzell’s population fell over the period. It is also notable, although possibly coincidental, that the fall in illegitimacy rates occurred at the same time as church adherence appeared to shift from the Established to the Free Church.
Edzell had the highest level (15%) among the four communities of paternity suits. The largest proportion (58%) were against agricultural workers. Only 27% were against men resident in Edzell parish. Again, therefore the itinerant agricultural worker appears to have been the most determined to evade parental responsibility.
Edzell also had the lowest proportion (7% cf. 12-13% elsewhere) of children legitimated by subsequent marriage and the lowest proportion (4% cf.6-8%) of women marrying while pregnant. There appears, in Edzell, to be minimal pressure to marriage on unmarried pregnant women. That is further illustrated by the mean age at marriage of women who conceived prior to marriage, 24.83, the oldest in the four communities, while the mean age of mothers at the birth of illegitimate children, 23.08, was the youngest of the four communities.
Edzell naming patterns reveal that while the proportion known by the mother’s surname (62%) and the proportion known by a middle name (15%) were the second highest of the four communities, Edzell exhibited one unique situation: it was the only community where there was traced a measurable proportion (8%) known by the surname of the step-father/ mother’s partner, indicating that the mothers of illegitimate children might proceed to marry a man who was not the father of the illegitimate child, and that that man might publicly and formally acknowledge that child as part of his family.
ILLITERACY
Illiteracy among mothers of illegitimate children was significantly low (3%) compared to the other three communities and non-existent among mothers of children conceived before marriage.
WOMEN’S EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS
| TABLE 34: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN AGED 15-49, IN EDZELL | ||||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & professional | Domestic | None | ||
| All unmarried females, 15-50 | 3% | 1% | 2% | 14% | 5% | 52% | 23% | |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 7% | 7% | 0% | 7% | 1% | 81% | 3% | |
| Mothers of children conceived prior to marriage | 0% | 4% | 0% | 8% | 0% | 79% | 8% | |
It may be concluded from the above data that in Edzell:
- Women employed in the agricultural sector were more likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. Such women did not marry but had their child out of wedlock.
- Women employed in the dealing sector and women with no noted employment were less likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. Where they did so, they were more likely to marry before the birth than bear the child illegitimately.
- Women working in the domestic system were significantly more likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
There are major similarities in the Brechin and Edzell patterns. Despite Edzell being a small residential village with a rich agricultural periphery, only 3% of unmarried women were noted as employed in agriculture, only marginally more than Brechin (2%) and Darvel (1%) and less than Kilmaurs (9%). Edzell also however had the highest proportions employed in domestic occupations (52%), many on farms. It was also notable that Edzell had by far the highest proportion (23%) of unmarried females noted with no occupation. These were almost always daughters at home with their families, many the daughters of farmers.
WOMEN’S RESIDENTIAL STATUS, GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS AND FAMILY SUPPORT
Edzell has the lowest proportion (34%) of its unmarried women born in the parish and has a significantly greater proportion of the women who bore illegitimate children born in the parish (41%). This again, may indicate a local culture of acceptance of illegitimacy.
Issues of residence in Edzell are connected with local employment patterns. Edzell showed the highest proportion born outwith the community (66%), the lowest proportion (46%) of unmarried women residing with their parents and the highest proportion, by far, (32%) residing with their employer. This arises from the significant numbers of domestic servants employed on farms. 50% of the mothers of illegitimate children and 25% of the among mothers of legitimate children conceived before marriage, were residing at the census prior to the birth in their employer’s home. Women who bore illegitimate children in Edzell were significantly more likely to be residing with their employer than was the case for the population as a whole and were very significantly more likely to be residing with their employer than those women who marry while pregnant. These statistics suggest that for the women in domestic service (many as has been noted on farms) as with the male agricultural workers, residing in the employer’s home did not signify an active moral surveillance by the employer. Indeed, that 50% of the mothers of illegitimate children were residing in their employer’s home, suggests precisely a combination of loosened moral discipline and restraint for young women residing outwith the parental home.
Were Smout’s assertion that handing illegitimate children over to the grandmother as a norm in farming communities valid, such a pattern would be expected in Edzell. Only 9% of traced children born in Edzell were in the grandparental home without the mother at the post-birth census. Notable however, were the 50% of such children residing in the grandparental home, with the mother present. Women in Edzell commonly returned therefore, with their child, after an illegitimate birth, to reside with parents.[vi] Family support for such mothers was therefore a norm. The case study of Fanny Mitchell illustrated a variation on this, with the mother, Fanny Mitchell, came to the parental home for the birth, but subsequently returned to Dundee and employment in the textile industry. Ann Crabb also returned to her parental home after the birth of her first illegitimate child and appears to have returned for the birth of her second illegitimate child.
EDZELL: IN SUMMARY
What emerges is strongly suggestive of a local culture in which a higher proportion, compared to the unmarried female population as a whole, of women bearing illegitimate children were locally born; unmarried pregnant mothers were less pressurised to marriage than elsewhere; 50% of all illegitimate children, along with their mothers, were residing with their grandparents shortly after birth; and a noticeable minority of illegitimate children were later known by the name of their mother’s subsequent husband or partner. In total, these aspects suggest a broad acceptance among families of their daughters bearing illegitimate off-spring or their wives having borne illegitimate offspring, but without the concomitant domestic and economic independence experienced by many of the unmarried women in Brechin.
The Ayrshire Communities
Darvel is a village, overwhelmingly within Loudoun Parish in north-east Ayrshire, which parish is to the immediate east of Kilmarnock. Kilmaurs Parish lies immediately to the west of Kilmarnock, separated by it from Darvel.
MAP 5: PARISHES OF AYRSHIRE[94]
MAP 6: KILMARNOCK AND ADJACENT PARISHES, INLUDING LOUDOUN AND KILMAURS[95]
Darvel
POPULATION AND ECONOMY
Darvel lies largely within Loudoun parish, which also includes Newmilns, with a small part of the village within Galston parish. Post-1855 vital records all note three locations: Newmilns, Loudoun Parish (the largely rural areas) and Darvel. It is therefore possible to isolate birth, marriage and death certificates and census returns specifically to Darvel. The population of the parish as a whole increased from 1,494 in 1795 to 4,444 in 1841. By 1841 the population divided between Newmilns, 1,988; Darvel, 1,360; and the landward areas, 1,096.[96]
By 1842, almost the whole population residing in Newmilns and Darvel, some 3,000, depended, directly or indirectly upon hand-loom weaving. With the exception of a small wool-mill employing 25, this was the only branch of manufacture in the parish. The Statistical Account notes in Darvel, 267 male weavers, 61 female weavers, 419 clippers (females from eight years of age), 84 pirn winders, and 2 agents; over 930 from a population of 1,360 were employed in hand-loom weaving. The introduction of the jacquard machine in 1838 made handloom weaving much more efficient and reduced the need for child labour.[97] Consequently, hand-loom weaving was saved and a skilled labour force remained locally, while other hand-loom areas fell before the advance of the power-loom.[98]
MAP 7: DARVEL[99]
There occurred a disastrous collapse of the handloom-weaving industry in 1872-1873 and a consequent exodus from Darvel. In 1876 however, Alexander Morton opened the first lace-making factory, the town’s economic staple for some ninety subsequent years. By 1877 out of the 580 handlooms in Darvel only 230 were working; by the end of the century only about a dozen.[100]
The population of the whole parish had risen to 4,840 in 1861, 5,525 in 1871 and 5,239 by 1881.[101] Despite the early 1870s exodus, it appears that the lace industry more than revived the population.
Darvel changed dramatically early in our designated period of research from a home-based to a factory-based manufacturing economy.
RELIGION
As well as the Established Church, there was, in Newmilns, a congregation of the United Associate Synod, and, in Darvel, a Reformed Presbyterian congregation. Additionally there were 3 Roman Catholic, 2 Episcopalian and 10 or 12 Baptist families across the whole parish. Education in the manufacturing villages was described as “sadly defective”, children seldom having more than three years at school, and some as little as eighteen months.[102]
In Darvel, the Reformed Presbyterian Church Session adjudicated on various cases of fornication and ante-nuptial fornication, including that of William Craig and Margaret Bryce, who married, after the forms of the Reformed Presbyterian Church,[103] in November 1872 and whose daughter was born in February 1873.[104]
The denominational strengths in Darvel are reflected in marriages.
| TABLE 35: MARRIAGES IN DARVEL BY DENOMINATION, 1871, 1881, 1891 | ||||||
| Established Church | Free Church | UP Church | EU | RP | Original Secession | |
| 1871 | 35% | 10% | 25% | 10% | 20% | 0% |
| 1881 | 33% | 58% | 8% | 0% | 0% | 0% |
| 1891 | 33% | 39% | 11% | 6% | 0% | 11% |
This data suggests a Presbterian/ Calvinist community, without evidence of any RC or Episcopal presence. Only about one-third of the population identified with the Established Church.
It also suggests the seeming total decline of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, at least among that generation marrying in the 1880s-1890s. The RPs saw themselves as the spiritual inheritors of the Covenanting tradition. Among key RP doctrines was that of abstention from voting and any other act identifying the member with an ‘unCovenanted’ state. In 1863 the RPs split with one faction, supportive of ending the ‘abstentionist’ position carrying a majority and uniting with the Free Church. The RP Church in Darvel continued after 1863 but substantially weakened. By the late nineteenth century it was reduced to a mission station and ‘withered in the vine’.[105] The corollary of the RP weakness is that the Free Church appears to have been substantially strengthened.
BIRTHS CONCEIVED OUTSIDE MARRIAGE
Chart 5 illustrates the chronological data on Darvel births conceived outwith marriage.
Darvel exhibits the lowest average illegitimacy rate (5%), significantly below the 1871 Ayrshire level of 9.1%, the lowest illegitimate fertility rate, and the lowest rate of multiple illegitimate births (12% compared to 26%-39% elsewhere) of the four communities. Darvel is by far the most illegitimacy-averse community under investigation.
Rates of legitimate births conceived before marriage varied, averaging 5% in 1869-1873, 7% in 1874-1878, 6% in 1879-1883, peaking at 10% in 1884-1888 and reducing to 8% in 1889-1893.
In the second five-year block (1874-1878), following the collapse of hand-loom weaving and the opening of the first lace factories, illegitimate births reached 7%. Indeed, in 1876, when Morton’s mill opened, illegitimacy peaked at 13%, the highest level in the twenty-five years studied. In three of the other five-year blocks illegitimacy averaged 5% and in the fourth block stood at 3%.
The chart also indicates the unusual situation, for Darvel, of illegitimate births exceeding legitimate births conceived before marriage in each of five consecutive years, 1876- 1880. The peak five-year period of legitimate births conceived before marriage, 1884-1888, also coincides with the nadir of illegitimate births. It appears that economic change, disruption and uncertainty had a direct impact on pre-marital conceptions and their consequences.
Beyond the short-term effects of that economic dislocation, the general patterns reveal a community with a quite different culture in respect of illegitimacy from the two previously analysed.
Darvell exhibits the highest (8%) rate among the four communities of legitimate births conceived before marriage and, as stated, with the exception of 1876 and the four following years, these always outnumbered illegitimate births. Illegitimate births legitimated by subsequent marriages were, at 13% of all illegitimate births, on a par with the figure in Brechin, and above that in the other two communities. These statistics indicate a stronger tendency to marry among unmarried pregnant women in Darvel than elsewhere.
Paternity suits were pursued in respect of 13% of illegitimate births, compared to 15% in Edzell, 12% in Brechin and 9% in Kilmaurs, but are note-worthy in respect of the occupations and residences of the men pursued.
As elsewhere, a substantial proportion (33%) of paternity suits is against agricultural workers. Another 33% however are against textile workers, by far the highest proportion. Even in Brechin, the other textile town studied, only 15% of such cases were against textile workers. In Darvel moreover, 56% of fathers pursued were Darvel residents. Nowhere else was there pursued a majority of locally based putative fathers.
Uniquely in Darvel, the illegitimate children traced on the 1871 census, were all known by their mother’s surname. In Edzell this was true for only 62% of such children, in Brechin for 49%, and in Kilmaurs for 42%. In Darvel there appears to have been a norm for illegitimate children to be known by their mother’s maiden name. Given that only 16% of men in Darvel (compared to 24%-32% elsewhere) who fathered illegitimate children voluntarily acknowledged paternity, a picture emerges of a community where illegitimacy was relatively rare, but in which men neither took responsibility for their actions nor had it thrust publicly upon them by the naming of their bastards with their names.
ILITERACY
Despite the Parish Minister’s 1842 statement that education in the manufacturing villages was “sadly defective”, and that children seldom had more than three years at school,[106] traced illiteracy in Darvel in the period under review was not high: 7% among mothers of illegitimate children and 5% among mothers marrying while pregnant.
WOMEN’S EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS
| TABLE 36: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN, AGED 15-49, DARVEL | |||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & professional | Domestic | None | |
| All unmarried females, 15-50 | 1% | 53% | 21% | 11% | 0% | 11% | 3% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 7% | 35% | 46% | 1% | 0% | 9% | 1% |
| Mothers of children conceived prior to marriage | 11% | 41% | 28% | 3% | 0% | 10% | 6% |
It may be concluded from the above data that in Darvel:
- Women employed in the agricultural sector were significantly more likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest and more likely to marry than have their child out of wedlock.
- Women working in the factory system were less likely to conceive children before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women working in the non-industrial manufacturing sector were more likely to conceive children before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest and more likely have their child out of wedlock than to marry.
- Women employed in the dealing sector were less likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women working in the domestic system were marginally less likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
The Darvel figures are better understood when broken into two chronological periods: 1869-1877, the period prior to the erection of Morton’s lace factory, and 1878-1893, the following period. Prior to reviewing the employment data de-aggregated thus however, the context is set by reviewing the census data, similarly de-aggregated.
| TABLE 37: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN, AGED 15-49, DARVEL, 1869-1877 | |||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & professional | Domestic | None | |
| All unmarried females, 15-50 | 0% | 1% | 84% | 5% | 0% | 7% | 2% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 7% | 10% | 83% | 0% | 0% | 0% | 0% |
| Mothers of children conceived prior to marriage | 11% | 0% | 79% | 3% | 0% | 3% | 5% |
From the above data it is apparent, in Darvel, 1869-1877, prior to the establishment of significant factory-based employment, that:
- Illegitimacy, at this period, is exclusively a working class phenomenon, with all mothers employed in the agricultural or manufacturing sectors.
- Women employed in the agricultural sector were more likely to conceive outwith marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. More who did so, married before the birth than bore the child illegitimately.
- There was a very small number noted on the 1871 census as employed the industrial manufacturing sector; such women nonetheless bore a significantly greater proportion of illegitimate children than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- The largest proportion of unmarried women was employed in the non-industrial manufacturing sector, essentially handloom weaving. Such women bore very marginally fewer illegitimate children and somewhat fewer legitimate children conceived before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
| TABLE 38: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN, AGED 15-49, DARVEL, 1878-1893 | |||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & professional | Domestic | None | |
| All unmarried females, 15-50 | 1% | 67% | 3% | 13% | 0% | 12% | 3% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 8% | 54% | 18% | 3% | 0% | 15% | 3% |
| Mothers of children conceived prior to marriage | 12% | 61% | 3% | 4% | 0% | 14% | 6% |
From the above data it is apparent, in Darvel, 1878-1893, after the establishment of significant factory-based employment, that:
- Women employed in the agricultural sector remained more likely to conceive outwith marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. More who did so married before the birth than bore the child illegitimately.
- A majority of unmarried women in the 1881 and 1891 census returns were noted as employed the industrial manufacturing sector; such women bore fewer illegitimate children and fewer legitimate children conceived before marriage, than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- The proportion of unmarried women employed in the non-industrial manufacturing sector, handloom weaving, had fallen significantly but women thus employed bore a greater proportion of illegitimate children than, and the same proportion of legitimate children conceived before marriage as, their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women employed in the dealing sector bore fewer illegitimate children and fewer legitimate children conceived before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women employed in the domestic sector bore somewhat more illegitimate children and somewhat more legitimate children conceived before marriage, than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women employed with no noted employment bore an equivalent proportion of illegitimate children to their proportion of the overall population would suggest, and more legitimate children conceived before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
As indicated, the Darvel statistics have been broken down into 1869-1877 and 1878-1893 blocks, to reflect the structural changes of these periods. In both periods women employed in agriculture were significantly more likely to bear illegitimate children than their numbers in the population would suggest. Uniquely however in Darvel, more unmarried, pregnant agricultural workers married than bore an illegitimate child.
In the period 1869-1877, the notable figures relate to women in the manufacturing sector. Unmarried women working in the non-industrial branches, overwhelmingly handloom-weaving, constituted 84% of the unmarried female population and 83% of the women who bore illegitimate children. Unmarried women, on the other hand, working in the developing industrial sector, constituted 1% of the population but 10% of the women who bore illegitimate children. There appears therefore to have been a greater tendency among women working in factory conditions, compared to women in hand-loom weaving, to bear illegitimate children.
By 1878-1893, almost the opposite pattern pertained. 67% of all unmarried females were employed in the industrial sector but only 54% of the mothers of illegitimate children were employed thus. On the other hand, the declining hand-loom sector, employed only 3% of the unmarried female population but 18% of illegitimate births were to women working there.
WOMEN’S RESIDENTIAL STATUS, GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS AND FAMILY SUPPORT
Darvel’s unmarried female population is overwhelmingly of local stock: 77% of unmarried women were born in the parish, compared with 42% in Brechin, 39% in Kilmaurs and 34% in Edzell.
Over the three census returns, 71% (cf. 46%-58% in the other three communities) of all unmarried women in Darvel were residing in the parental home. Of the Darvel women who gave birth to illegitimate children in the period following the census returns 63% of them (cf. 20%-44% in the other communities) were residing in the parental home; as were 86% (cf. 50%-59% in the other communities) of those who married while pregnant.
Although women in Darvel married on average at 26.76 years, the oldest average among the four communities, women who married while pregnant were, on average, 22.97 years of age, the youngest average. This sharpens the picture of a community in which the pressure to marriage and the avoidance of illegitimacy was an established norm, a community in which family and parental authority were reinforced by geographical stability and, initially at, least by a home-based and family-operated employment system.
The almost anachronistic 1878-1893 statistics bear some further examination. To recap: by then 67% of all unmarried females were employed in the industrial sector but only 54% of the mothers of illegitimate children were employed thus, while the declining non-industrial manufacturing sector, hand-loom weaving, employed only 3% of the unmarried female population, but accounted for18% of illegitimate births. It appears, despite the slight rise in illegitimacy in the 1874-1878 period, that the traditional moral authority of that old order outlived the economic conditions which created it and illegitimacy failed to become the norm which it did where communities had moved sooner and more comprehensively to a factory based system. The exception appears to be among the very women who remained within the shrinking hand-loom industry, by then robbed of the social cohesion and family-based structure which had formerly upheld a powerful moral tradition.
DARVEL: IN SUMMARY
By every measure Darvel is the least illegitimacy-prone community in this study. It is a community in which an older mode of production, hand-loom weaving, and with it particular domestic arrangements, dominated longer than in other textile communities. It is a community where the great majority of young unmarried women were born in the parish and continued to reside in the family home, one in which pregnancy before marriage was rare but was more likely to lead to marriage than to an illegitimate child and where putative fathers, although mainly local, neither took voluntary responsibility for their actions nor had them forced into public view.
An unusual combination of population stability, family based industry and a continuing capacity of families to exercise moral control and authority by keeping young women at home, appears to have nullified the independence which might have been expected in a community where 53% (the exact same proportion as in Brechin) of unmarried women were employed in industrial manufacturing. Moreover, after the demise of the hand-loom system, economic insecurity faced the older generation and may well also have increased their unwillingness to take care of illegitimate grandchildren.
Kilmaurs
Kilmaurs is a rural parish in Ayrshire to the north-west of Kilmarnock and bounded by Kilmarnock, Fenwick and Irvine. Its population rose from 1,288 in 1801 to 2,617 in 1841[107] to 3,701 in 1881.[108] As well as the town of Kilmaurs, the parish includes the villages of Crosshouse, Ellerslie and Fardelhill.[109]
MAP 8A: KILMAURS[110]
MAP 8B: PARISH OF KILMAURS (1912)[111]
POPULATION AND ECONOMY
In 1842, the population was largely engaged in agriculture. The parish was deemed “very rich”, the soil being of “first rate quality, strong, and deep, and fertile…The pastures are very rich, and dairy produce …. of great excellence.” Cotton-weaving and shoemaking were also present.[112]
In 1845, there were several mines (coal and iron) in the parish. In the hamlets of Crosshouse (population 255) and Gatehead (population 167), most of the population were employed in the collieries.[113]
By 1885, “its inhabitants (were) for the most part employed in shoe and bonnet factories and in the neighbouring coal and iron mines”.[114]
Kilmaurs then was, and remained, a prosperous agricultural community in which coal-mining and small-scale factory production also operated.
RELIGION
In 1842 there were some 1,900 members of the Established Church, 651 ‘Dissenters’ and 62 Roman Catholics.[115]
Kilmaurs Established Session heard cases in respect of ‘ante-nuptial fornication’ until at least 1891 when Robert Johnstone and Jessie Cunningham compeared, ‘confessing the sin of antenuptial fornication.’[116]
The denominational strengths in Darvel are reflected in marriages.
| TABLE 39: MARRIAGES IN KILMAURS BY DENOMINATION, 1871, 1881, 1891 | |||||||
| Established Church | Free Church | UP Church | EU | RP | Christian Brethren | RC | |
| 1871 | 28% | 28% | 28% | 12% | 4% | 0% | 0% |
| 1881 | 50% | 35% | 15% | 0% | 0% | 0% | 0% |
| 1891 | 68% | 10% | 13% | 0% | 0% | 3% | 6% |
Although there was not a Reformed Presbyterian congregation in Kilmaurs itself, a similar pattern to that in Darvel, a decline in RP marriages, is also present in Kilmaurs.
Kilmaurs is the only community in which any Roman Catholic marriages have been noted in this analysis.
The denominational trends in Kilmaurs are at almost the opposite end of the theological spectrum from those in nearby Darvel. Inasmuch as marriages are a measure of adherence, Kilmaurs is the one community in which support for the Established Church rose over the twenty-five years, while support for both the more conservative (Free and RP) and evangelical (UP) churches fell.
BIRTHS CONCEIVED OUTSIDE MARRIAGE
The chronological data on Kilmaurs births conceived before marriage is illustrated in Chart 5.
The 1869-1893 illegitimacy rates in Kilmaurs stand at 8%, higher than Darvel’s but below the Ayrshire averages of both 1858 (8.8%) and 1871 (9.1%), and significantly lower than either Brechin’s (16%) or Edzell’s (13%).
Over the 25-year period illegitimate birth rates followed a fairly consistent pattern: in the five five-year blocks illegitimacy averaged 7%, 7%, 8%, 8% and 7%. There was a similarly steady pattern of legitimate births conceived before marriage, with the five five-year blocks exhibiting averages of 8%, 7%, 5%, 7% and 6%.
The difficulty is that Kilmaurs is the one analysed community in which the illegitimacy rates and the illegitimate fertility rates are contradictory. To recap, the ifr is the ratio in a given community of the number of illegitimate births in a given year to the number of unmarried women of child-bearing age residing in the community in that year. These have been calculated for the five-year period around each census year in the period under review.
For the period 1869-1873, the ifr for Kilmaurs was 26.06, above that of Darvel (17.2) and below those of Edzell (39.69) and Brechin (29.24). For the periods 1879-1883 and 1889-1893 however, Kilmaurs has the highest ifr of any of the four communities. When the ifrs are averaged over these three periods, Kilmaurs exhibits a ratio of 31.29, Edzell of 24.59, Brechin of 24.3, and Darvel of 11.28.
Several factors interact to create this statistical phenomenon.
- As noted, illegitimate birth rates remained relatively constant but the number illegitimate births rose faster than the numbers of unmarried women.
- Unmarried women comprised a relatively small proportion of the total population, 10% (cf. 17% in Brechin, 14% in Darvel and 12% in Edzell), but did not constitute a small proportion of the female population, 29%, (cf. 32% in Brechin, 26% in Darvel and 24% in Edzell). The balance between married and unmarried women was atypical.
- Again atypically, unmarried males in Kilmaurs outnumbered unmarried females. That dominance however appears rooted in the rural part of the parish, the mining and agricultural areas and may be a function male employment patterns. Coal mining and agriculture appear to have remained sufficiently robust to provide a buoyant employment base for local and incoming males.
- It was also notable that a greater proportion of unmarried women in Kilmaurs (67%, cf. 64% in Darvel, 54% in Edzell and 52% in Brechin) were in the 15-24 cohort.
- Despite the high proportions of unmarried women in the younger age cohort, the average age of marriage for Kilmaurs women appears to have been younger, 23.92 years, (cf. 25.15 for Brechin, 26.76 for Darvel and 27.53 for Edzell) than for the other communities.
The unique gender balance appears to have impacted on male behaviour. Paternity suits were pursued in respect of illegitimate births in Kilmaurs in only 9% of cases (cf. 12% in Brechin, 13% in Darvel and 15% in Edzell). This disproportionately large male population appears less susceptible than elsewhere to legal pursuit. Of those so pursued however:
- 21% were agricultural workers but an additional 14% were either farmers or farmer’s sons. This may suggest that where the father could more easily afford maintenance for the child, he was more likely to be pursued.
- A significant proportion (21%) were miners.
- A smaller proportion (27%) were from Kilmaurs itself than was the case in the other communities, and none were from outside Ayrshire.
What may explain the relatively low levels of paternity suits, is firstly that there was a reasonably high level of legitimation by subsequent parental marriage (12%, only 1% below that of Brechin and Darvel) and, secondly, that a higher proportion of men in Kilmaurs (32%, double the figure for nearby Darvel) than in the other communities, voluntarily acknowledged their paternity by co-registering the child. Perhaps as a consequence, a majority of recently-born illegitimate children traced on the 1871 census in Kilmaurs were known by the surname of their acknowledged or proved father. No mother in Kilmaurs had utilised the middle-name-as-surname gambit.
There were 256 cases of children born legitimately but conceived before marriage in Kilmaurs over the 25-year period. Of these the father was a miner (coal- or ironstone-, or otherwise employed at a mine) in a remarkable 120 cases. A further 16 were agricultural workers. Of the 91 men in Kilmaurs who co-registered their illegitimate off-spring (some of whom of course subsequently married the mother), 36 were miners (or otherwise employed at a mine), 17 were agricultural workers. A large number of miners in Kilmaurs therefore, accepted responsibility for the child they sired, and married the mother or, at the least, publicly acknowledged their paternity.
ILLITERACY
It is noteworthy that Kilmaurs had the highest rates of traced illiteracy (23%, cf. 13% in Brechin, 7% in Darvel and 3% in Edzell) among the women who bore illegitimate children. Even among those mothers who married while pregnant, 15% illiteracy has been traced. Again, this may be a function of the social class composition of Kilmaurs, but again it is apparent that unmarried women who are illiterate and fall pregnant are less likely to marry and more likely to bear an illegitimate child.
WOMEN’S EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS
| TABLE 40: AREAS OF EMPLOYMENT OF UNMARRIED WOMEN, AGED 15-49, KILMAURS | |||||||
| Agriculture | Manufacturing: industrial | Manufacturing: non-industrial | Dealing | Public service & professional | Domestic | None | |
| All unmarried females, 15-50 | 9% | 26% | 0% | 11% | 1% | 35% | 18% |
| Mothers of illegitimate children | 45% | 24% | 0% | 3% | 0% | 23% | 3% |
| Mothers of children conceived prior to marriage | 29% | 34% | 1% | 4% | 0% | 25% | 7% |
It may be concluded from the above data that in Kilmaurs:
- Women working in the agricultural system were more likely to conceive children before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest and were significantly more likely to bear such children out of wedlock than to marry. The marriage of pregnant women employed in the agricultural sector however, was also common.
- Women working in the factory system were more likely to conceive children before marriage and marry before the birth than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women employed in the dealing sector were less likely to conceive children before marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest. This was the case in all four communities.
- Women working in the domestic system were less likely to conceive children prior to marriage than their proportion of the overall population would suggest.
- Women with no noted employment were less likely to conceive before marriage than their proportion of the population would suggest. Where they did, they were more likely to marry before the birth than bear the child illegitimately.
Nine per cent of unmarried women in Kilmaurs were employed directly in agriculture, the highest total across the four communities. From that cohort came a disproportionate 45% of the mothers of illegitimate children and 29% of women who married while pregnant. Elizabeth Prendergast was a farm servant.[vii] Ann Duncan had been employed as a domestic servant but by the time of the birth of her child was noted as a farm servant.[viii] Elizabeth English was noted as a general servant but, at the time of her marriage, as a farm servant.[ix] 35% of the mothers of illegitimate children were employed in the domestic sector and, as noted, this was often on farms. Movement from domestic to agricultural employment was common and may even have represented no substantial change in work content but rather a change in how the same occupation was recorded.
26% of unmarried women were employed in industrial manufacture, primarily bonnet making and boot-and-shoe making, factories, for both of which operated in Kilmaurs throughout the period. Although only half the rates of Brechin and Darvel, it represents a substantial aspect of Kilmaurs life. Unmarried women in Kilmaurs employed in the industrial sector who fell pregnant however, were more likely to marry (as was the case of Agnes McDowall[x]) than to bear their child unmarried, with 24% of mothers of illegitimate children being so employed compared to 34% of mothers of children conceived before marriage. In other words, in Kilmaurs, employment in an industrial context, boot or bonnet manufacturing, does not seem to have offered the security and independence that work in the textile industry offered women in Brechin. It also suggests, in the behaviour of the industrial working women and the agricultural working women, two distinctly different behavioural tendencies.
WOMEN’S RESIDENTIAL STATUS, GEOGRPAHICAL ORIGINS AND FAMILY SUPPORT
Although 56% of unmarried women were noted as residing with their parents, it is also the case that a high proportion (24%) of all unmarried women resided with their employer. In particular, both a high proportion all unmarried women who subsequently bore illegitimate children (37%) and of women who married while pregnant (32%), were residing in their employer’s home. This, as noted, appears to be directly associated with farming communities, although in the case of Mary Templeton[xi] her employer was the Parish Minister of Dunlop who, it is assumed, may have been somewhat more careful of the behaviour of his employee than, say, a farmer. Nonetheless, a considerable number of women who bore illegitimate children were residing with their employer, on farms, and a considerable number of women who pursued paternity suits did so against farmers and farmers’ sons.
Only 37% of women in Kilmaurs who bore illegitimate children had been born in Kilmaurs, the lowest level of any of the three communities, marginally lower than Brechin’s 39%, but only half of Darvel’s 75%.
Prior to giving birth to an illegitimate child 40% of women in Kilmaurs were residing in the parental home and 37% in the home of their employer. Of those who married pregnant, 50% were in the parental home prior to marriage and 32% in the home of their employer.
After giving birth to an illegitimate child, 44% of women remained in or returned to the parental home with the child. The proportions in other venues are even more noteworthy. 10% of illegitimate children, the highest total in the four communities, are residing in the grandparental home (i.e. the home of the child’s grand-parent/s) without the mother, as was the case with Alexander Templeton, son of Mary Templeton. 25% of illegitimately born children, again the highest across the four communities, are residing with both their parents, either as a married or cohabiting couple.
Only 4%, the lowest total in the four communities, of women who have borne illegitimate children are residing with their child in their own household, i.e. one in which the mother of the child is the head of the household. In other words there is almost no sign of the independent living and child-rearing by mothers of illegitimate children witnessed in Brechin where 22% were in their own households. Mothers of illegitimate children in Kilmaurs stayed with parents, returned to parents, married (either the father or another man), cohabited, or passed their child to parents.
Multiple illegitimate births to individual women were fairly common in Kilmaurs (26% of all illegitimate births) but, among the traced multiple births, only one woman bore more than three children.
The cases of Elizabeth Prendergast, Mary Templeton and Elizabeth English, all of whom bore an illegitimate child but subsequently married a man who was not the father of that first child, also however indicate that marriage to a man other than the father of one’s illegitimate child was within the ambit of women in Kilmaurs who had borne illegitimate children. Illegitimacy did not imply a sentence of continued spinsterhood.
KILMAURS: IN SUMMARY
What emerges from the Kilmaurs data is a picture of a community where, by virtue of their being in a minority compared to unmarried men, women were ‘in demand’. They married younger than in the other communities under review. If pregnant, they also, on average, married younger. They were less likely than women in the other communities to pursue legal action against putative fathers but such putative fathers were more likely to acknowledge their paternity. Among those pursued in Kilmaurs however, and not so in the other three communities, is a cohort of farmers and farmers’ sons. Not only were the women less likely generally, to pursue legal action; they were also much less likely to utilise the tactic of naming-the-child-to shame-the-father. On the other hand, autonomous living by single women with their children appears to have been an option for only a small number. It also seems likely that approaches among both men and women in the village may have been different from those of women in the mining and agricultural parts of the parish. In particular, men in Kilmaurs were more ready to acknowledge the paternity of their illegitimate offspring than in the other communities, and a large proportion of these were miners. An even larger proportion however, 47%, of the men who married women while pregnant were miners.
IN CONCLUSION
The data from Brechin, Edzell, Darvel and Kilmaurs has revealed four communities with distinct cultures where a range of factors appear to have impacted differentially on the propensity to illegitimacy.
The first thesis, that secure female employment in the textile industry would be a key factor in high illegitimacy rates appears well supported by the Brechin data. It appears to support Griffin’s case that the development of reliable female employment, creating independent wage-earning capacity and the dissolution of traditional moral restraint made the bearing of bastards a less alienating prospect than had previously been the case.[117] Not only did Brechin exhibit significantly higher illegitimacy rates than the other communities, but the propensity towards multiple illegitimate births to the same woman and the existence of bastard-prone families were clearly evident.
If, however, the assumption that secure employment for unmarried women in the textile industry would lead to increased illegitimacy has been partly justified by the evidence from Brechin, it has also been partly contradicted by the evidence from Darvel.
The brief rise in Darvel illegitimacy rates after the collapse of the hand-loom weaving industry poses a particular question: did serious economic dislocation, in itself, loosen the bonds of discipline and restraint which limited illegitimacy or was the rise in illegitimacy rates entirely separate from the local economic crisis?
A parallel issue is raised by the sharp fall in Edzell illegitimacy rates after 1873. Was the underlying cause the general agricultural downturn, other local economic factors, or was this seeming change simply a function of a limited population sample?
The Darvel evidence also begs the question of whether a particular moral norm, such as sexual restraint, possibly a function of the traditional, home-and-family based industrial model, can outlive the employment pattern which created and fostered it.
In respect of employment across the four communities, the further issue which emerged in both the rural and the more urban settings, was the over-representation of agricultural workers, among the mothers of illegitimate children and, more so, among the fathers pursued in paternity suits. Seton had suggested that among the factors which encouraged high levels of illegitimacy rates were the bothy system, the employment of females in agriculture and hiring markets.[118] The data in this study certainly suggests that residence by the woman in the home of the employer and residence by the man outwith the parish of the birth, both of which characterised agricultural workers, were key factors. Women apart from their family and men on the move, were significant factors in high illegitimacy rates and these were also characterised both the bothy system (which operated for women as well as men) and the hiring markets.
Seton also suggested that poor education promoted illegitimacy. The data, across all four communities, confirms that women who bore illegitimate children exhibited higher levels of illiteracy than women who married while pregnant. In Kilmaurs this was particularly so.
Data on religious adherence also poses issues. Darvel, the community with the lowest illegitimacy rates, exhibits relatively low levels of marriage in the Established Church of Scotland and relatively high levels in the more traditionally Calvinist churches. In Brechin, with the highest illegitimacy rates, despite a multiplicity of denominations, marriages in the Established Church were consistently high. This does not necessarily imply that traditional Calvinist doctrine restrained pre-marital sex and the more liberal Established Church was less successful in applying such restraints. The reverse may be the case: more traditional and morally conservative families and communities may have felt more comfortable within a more rigorously traditional religious setting. There is posed nonetheless, in this limited data set, the potential for further study of the details of church membership and activity of families across the spectrum of social class, employment and, from this particular perspective, proclivity to illegitimacy.
It has also become apparent that the almost exclusive past concentration in previous research on women and the circumstances which supported them in bearing and raising illegitimate children, has been to the detriment of a deeper analysis of the part played by men in the process.
The overwhelming perception engendered by this research has been an affirmation of Blaikie’s assertion of the importance of underlying local cultural differences. Perhaps the difficulty with past Scottish research has been, given that it concentrated on the areas of particularly high illegitimacy, the rural north-east and south-west, it has also concentrated on economically one-dimensional communities, where successful and profitable agriculture was by far the largest, perhaps only, employer and particular sets of family relationships consequently predominated.
Unlike the rural north-east and south-west, each of the four researched communities emerges from this study, with distinct characteristics, differential rates of inward and outward migration, differentially settled populations, differential literacy levels, different family domestic arrangements, different levels of religious affiliation and different employment patterns, both among women and men.
To deconstruct these factors, exhibit them in fine detail and draw meaningful connections between individuals, families and communities, requires further research which might most usefully involve a significant extension of the family reconstruction model used in the case studies in this research. To these might usefully be added some detailed analysis, where available, of data on wages, local employment patterns, education and religion. Such an analysis should not concentrate exclusively on the mothers of illegitimate children but should seek also to provide a more detailed picture of fathers. A useful starting point here might be an analysis of the background of reputed fathers.
Such an extended family-reconstruction approach would better reveal family patterns, both across families and over time, and by so doing might illuminate the roots of the continuing salience of local cultural norms in the family histories of a community.
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APPENDICES
1 Case Studies: Brechin
a Mary Scott and James Fowler[xii][119]: an illegitimate birth in Brechin for which the father acknowledged paternity, and after which further illegitimate births followed
Mary Scott was the mother of four illegitimate children, all born in Brechin, between 1866 and 1880. She was born c. 1843. There is no record of her birth or baptism in the OPRs or other available Brechin Church Records but various census records all indicate her place of birth as Brechin and her approximate year of birth as 1843. She was the daughter of John Scott and Jess Young.
She is noted in 1851, Mary Scott, aged 7, born Brechin, living with her parents in Braeheads, Brechin.[120]
Mary Scott’s parents were members of Brechin Relief Church. In September 1860, the Church Session Minutes state that, “Mr Watt reported that in consequence of a fama [‘talk of the multitude’] he had spoken to John Scott, who had confessed that he had been guilty of the sin of interference and that family disputes had arisen in consequence and that he had expressed his sorrow and had promised amendment and that he had intimated to him his suspension from privileges pro temp which was approved by the Session and Mr Watt instructed again seriously to warn him in regard to this sin and to exhort him to a diligent use of the means of grace…”[121]. In other words, Mary Scott’s father, John Scott, sexually abused at least one of his children.
Mary Scott is noted in 1861, within months of the Session accusing her father of incest, aged 16, Linen Weaver, born Brechin, close to, but out of, the parental home, boarding with one Agnes Dear.[122]
Her first child, James Fowler, was born in 1866, in 80 High Street, Brechin, at which point she is noted a hand loom weaver.[123] James Fowler is noted as illegitimate but his father, David Fowler, Cattle Drover, of 18 Bridge Street, Brechin, co-signed the register, acknowledging his paternity.
Her second child, Jessie Ann McLean Scott, born 1870[124], was apparently fathered by one Duncan Duff. Mary Scott signed the register with her mark, indicating illiteracy. There is no father’s name on Jessie’s birth certificate and she is noted as Jessie AM Scott on the 1871 census[125]. On subsequent censuses[126],[127] however she is noted as Jessie Duff. Jessie Duff’s reputed father is stated as “Duncan Duff, Shoemaker, Journeyman, Deceased” on her Marriage Certificate (1896).[128] She is noted as Jessie McLean Duff on that Marriage Certificate (and one of the witnesses is James Milne McLean) and as Jessie Ann Duff on the Marriage Certificate of her brother, James Fowler[129], at which marriage she was a witness.
In 1871, Mary Scott is noted, aged 27, unmarried, Power Loom Factory Worker, residing in Damacre Road, Brechin, with her son, daughter and sister Catherine.[130] In 1871, David Fowler, 30, Flesher, born Montrose, father of her son, is residing in Montrose, with his parents.[131]
In 1874, David Mitchell Scott, Mary Scott’s third child was born. Mary Scott is noted as a power loom weaver.[132] He was by an unknown father, likely of the name of Mitchell. He is noted as David Mitchell on the 1881 census[133]. David Mitchell is noted as such, and as a Private in the 2nd Battalion The Black Watch, The Royal Highlanders, residing in Queen’s Barracks, Perth, at the time of his marriage on 1st January 1901. The marriage certificate notes his reputed father as James Mitchell, baker[134].
Mary Scott’s fourth and last child, John Fowler, was born 1880[135], fathered by David Fowler, the father of her first child, who acknowledged his paternity.
David Fowler, who lived with Mary Scott at various periods, appears on the 1881 Census (when she is noted as a factory worker)[136] and 1891 Census (Mary Scott is again noted as a factory worker)[137] as her “Boarder”. By 1901[138] they are living in adjoining but separate houses at the same address and she is noted as a power loom linen weaver.
David Fowler was a butcher or flesher, born in Montrose. His career was marred by petty brushes with law. In 1878 he was found guilty of selling meat unfit for human consumption[139]. In 1886 he was found guilty of embezzlement, in that he failed to pay for a carcass which he had purchased and sold; he was sentenced to thirty days’ imprisonment[140].
Perhaps more relevant to his domestic responsibilities, he was tried in 1887 for failing to have his son educated[141]. (This must refer to John Fowler.) He denied responsibility inasmuch as the child was illegitimate and the responsibility was the mother’s. Even more seriously, in May 1891 he was charged with assaulting Mary Scott by throwing a pail of water at her and cutting her forehead and with breaking two panels of a door in the house occupied by Margaret Smith. He was found guilty and fined 21s. or fourteen days’ imprisonment[142].
Mary Scott’s sister, Jessie, had an illegitimate child in Montrose in 1894[143]. Her sister, Sarah, had an illegitimate child in Brechin 1882[144] and an illegitimate child in Brechin 1884[145]. Several of her cousins, including Elizabeth Scott and Euphemia Scott, also had illegitimate children.
Mary Scott died in 1923[146]. Her Death Certificate indicates her as the daughter of John Scott and Jess Young. It also notes James Fowler, 11 Montrose Street, her son, as the informant: and it is therefore certain that the Mary Scott, daughter of John Scott and Jess Young, and the Mary Scott, mother of James Fowler, are one and the same. She is noted as buried in Brechin Cemetery. Burial Record notes her residence at death as the Almshouse, i.e. the Poorhouse, in Infirmary Street, Brechin. Despite her residing in the Almshouse, she is buried in the same plot as Alexina Barclay, her son’s sister-in-law[147], indicated that she and her son retained familial ties.
Several aspects of this case are noteworthy:
- Mary Scott continued to work as a handloom weaver some years after the introduction of power loom weaving in Brechin. She is employed however as a power loom weaver/ linen factory worker from, at least, the age of 27 and appears to have been continuously so employed thereafter.
- Mary Scott was born and raised in Brechin and remained there throughout her life.
- Mary Scott had left the parental home by the age of 18. Mary Scott raised all her children herself, neither residing with, nor handing children over to, her own parents.
- Two of Mary Scott’s sisters also bore illegitimate children. There was therefore a pattern of illegitimacy within her immediate family.
- Mary Scott was approximately 23 when her illegitimate son, James Fowler, was born.
- Mary Scott was illiterate.
- There is no record of her having a connection with any church or religion.
- Mary Scott did not pursue paternity suits against the fathers of any of her children, nor did she marry any of them.
- The father of two of her children was a butcher. The reputed fathers of her other two children were a baker and shoemaker.
- Mary Scott’s son, David Mitchell, was given a middle name which was the surname of the man later noted as his reputed father, by which surname he was known from childhood. Mary Scott’s daughter, Jessie Ann Duff, was generally known as such, Duff being the name of her reputed father.
- Mary Scott had four children by three fathers, the first and fourth child being by the same father.
- Mary Scott’s father was apparently guilty of incestuous relationships; shortly after that behaviour Mary, and one of her sisters, left the family home.
- Mary Scott had a continuing, but interrupted relationship with David Fowler, the acknowledged father of her first and fourth children, and, at the age of 48, suffered assault at his hands.
b Anne Hunter Bearn: multiple illegitimate births, firstly in Brechin, to different fathers, one of whom was the woman’s brother-in-law
Anne Hunter Bearn and Jessie Steele Bearn were born in Brechin on 10 December 1860, twin daughters of Charles Bearn, Flaxdresser, and Jessie Bearn MS Steele.[148]
In 1861 Annie Bearn is noted, aged 4 months, residing with her parents, Charles Bearn, 35, Flax Dresser, born Aberlemno, and Jessie Bearn, 35, born Fettercairn, and with her siblings, Jean Ann, 8, , Isabella, 6, and her twin, Jessie, 4 months, all born in Brechin.[149]
In 1871 Annie Berne is noted[150] residing in Union Street, Brechin, aged 10, Scholar, born Brechin, and daughter of the head of the household, Charles Berne. With them are
Jessie Berne, 45, wife of Charles Berne; and Jane Ann Berne, 18; Isabella Berne, 16; Jessie Berne, 10; Mary A Berne, 8; Betsy Berne, 4; and Helen Berne, 1; all daughters of Charles Berne.
Annie Bearn bore the following illegitimate children, all of whose births have been noted in the research for illegitimate births in Brechin:
- Alexander Jarvis Bern, Illegitimate, born Brechin, 3 March 1881, to Annie Hunter Bern, Factory Worker[151];
- William Bern, Illegitimate, born Brechin, 5 February 1884, to Ann Hunter Bern, Domestic Servant[152];
- Francis Bern, Illegitimate, born Brechin, 11 December 1885, to Annie Hunter Bern, Factory Worker (Linen)[153];
- Annie Elrick, Illegitimate, born Marykirk, 1 January 1891, to James Elrick, Agricultural Labourer, and Ann Bern, Housekeeper, Brechin; birth registered in Brechin, mother’s domicile[154].
In addition to the births traced to Annie Bearn, the following births have been noted in the research for illegitimate births in Brechin:
- Charles Bern, Illegitimate, born Brechin, 2 June 1874, to Isabella Bern, Factory Worker[155];
- James Donald Bern, Illegitimate, born Brechin, 16 October 1880, to Isabella Bern, Factory Worker (Linen)[156]
- William Jarvis, Illegitimate, born Brechin, 17 December 1879, to Jessie S Bearn, Factory Worker, and Alexander S Jarvis, Railway Clerk[157].
Jessie Berne is the already noted twin sister of Annie Bearn. She married Alexander Jarvis, the father of her child, on 30 April 1880, four months after the birth of their child[158]. It is almost certain that Annie Bearn’s oldest child was named after her brother-in-law, Alexander Jarvis.
In 1881 Annie H Bearn is noted[159] residing in Union Street, Brechin, as unmarried, 20, Factory Worker, born Brechin, and as the daughter of the head of the household, Charles F Bearn, 55. With them are Jessie S Bearn, 55; Isabella P Bearn; Mary Ann P Bearn, 18; Betsy Bearn, 14; Helen Bearn, 11; James D Bearn, 0, grandson of Charles Bearn (and son of Isabella P Bearn); and Alexander J Bearn, 0, grandson of Charles Bearn (and son of Annie Bearn – see above).
(The birth of the child James D Bearn, noted above, to Isabella Bearn has already been noted among the illegitimate births in Brechin. It may therefore be assumed that Annie Bearn, subject of this case study, and Isabella Bearn, mother of two noted illegitimate children, are the sisters noted in the 1871 and 1881 census returns.)
In 1891 Annie Birn is noted residing[160] in Marykirk, unmarried, 30, Housekeeper, born Brechin, and the sister-in-law of the head of the household, James Eldrick, as widower, 38, Agricultural Labourer, born Logie Pert. With them are four children all noted as the off-spring of James Eldrick:
- Jessie Eldrick, 8, Scholar, born Brechin
- Charlie Eldrick, 4, born Brechin
- Frank Eldrick, 5, born Brechin
- John Eldrick, 1, born Forfarshire.
Annie Bearn’s notation as sister-in-law of James Eldrick suggests that James Eldrick was married to one of Annie Bearn’s sisters. It transpires, indeed, that Isabella Pringle Bern, Factory Worker, Spinster, aged 28, daughter of Charles Bern and Jessie Bern MS Steele, married James Eldrick, Carter, aged 29, in Brechin on 27 July 1882[161]. James Eldrick and Isabella Eldrick MS Bern had two children: Jessie Don Eldrick, born 21 May 1883 in Brechin[162]; and Charles Bearn Eldrick, born 8 September 1886 in Brechin[163]. James Eldrick was widowed in 1886. Isabella Pringle Eldrick MS Bern died in Brechin on 25 December 1886[164]. While therefore the Jessie Eldrick and Charlie Eldrick noted in the above 1891 census return are the children of James Eldrick and Isabella Bern, the other children could not, by their ages, have been born prior to the death of Isabella Bern. Whose were they? Firstly, there is no Frank or Francis Eldrick born anywhere in Scotland in the appropriate period. We have already noted however, that Annie Bearn had an illegitimate son, Francis Bearn, born in November 1885. We must assume that Frank Eldrick is in fact Francis Bearn. John Eldrick, noted as aged 1 on the census transpires to be John Eldrick, born Stracathro, 26 February 1890, Illegitimate, son of James Eldrick, Cattleman, and Annie Hunter Bern, Housekeeper.[165] James Eldrick fathered children with both Isabella Bearn, his wife, and, after her death, with Annie Bearn, his sister-in-law.
At the same time, 1891, Annie Bearn’s two oldest children, Alexander, 10, and William, 6, are residing in Brechin with their grandparents, Charles and Jessie Bearn.[166]
In 1901 Annie Bern is noted[167] as a widow, 48, born Brechin, no occupation, residing in Panmure Row, Montrose, with the following, all noted as unmarried and as either her son or daughter:
- William Bern, 17, Baker, born Brechin
- Frank Bern, 16, Mill Flax Worker, born Brechin
- Jessie D Eldrick, 18, Mill Flax Worker, born Brechin
- Charles Eldrick, 14, Mill Flax Worker, born Brechin
- Annie Eldrick, 10, Scholar, born Marykirk
- Aggie Eldrick, 7, Scholar, born Marykirk
- Jeannie Eldrick, 5 Scholar, born Logie Pert
- Edward Eldrick, 3, born Logie Pert
- James Jack Bern, 0, born Montrose.
William Bern, Frank Bern, Jessie Eldrick and Charles Eldrick have all been identified. Annie Eldrick, Aggie Eldrick, Jeannie Eldrick and Edward Eldrick are all the further illegitimate offspring of James Eldrick and Annie Bearn. James Jack Bern was born in Montrose on 16 September 1900, the illegitimate son of Annie Bern. The child’s father did not register his birth and is therefore unknown[168]. (There was a James Jack residing in Montrose at the time.)
Annie Bearn therefore had children to at least three different men. (It is also, at this point, worth noting that there is no recorded marriage of an Ann or Annie Bern, Berne or Bearn in Scotland over the relevant period. She was not, as stated on the 1901 census, a widow.)
No definite trace of Ann Bearn has been found on the 1911 census.
Anne Hunter Bearn died aged 79, of arterio-sclerosis, at 14 Mid Street, Dundee, on 24 March 1940. The informant was R Brown, son-in-law.[169]
It is noteworthy that:
- Annie Bearn was employed, in various descriptions, in the textile industry in 1881 and in 1885. At other points, in 1884, and from 1891 onwards she is described as either a domestic servant or housekeeper.
- Annie Bearn was born and raised in Brechin but was geographically mobile, within Forfarshire and Kincardineshire, residing in Brechin, Stracathro, Marykirk, Montrose and Dundee.
- Annie Bearn resided with her parents until after the birth of her first child and likely until 1885, the time of the birth of her third child. She and her oldest child were residing with her parents in 1881. Although she was living separately, and with James Eldrick, in 1891, her two oldest children were then residing with their grandparents, Annie Bearn’s parents.
- Annie Bearn is one of at least three sisters who bore illegitimate children, all of whom were noted as Factory Workers at the time of the births. There was therefore a pattern of illegitimacy within her immediate family.
- Annie Bearn had illegitimate children with at least three different men.
- Annie Bearn was 20 when she gave birth to her illegitimate son, Alexander Bearn.
- Annie Bearn regularly signed the birth certificates of her children and appears to have been literate.
- There is no traced record which categorically links her to any particular church or religion.
- Of the fathers of Ann Bearn’s children, only James Eldrick has been identified. He was employed as an agricultural labourer and as a cattleman.
- Annie Bearn did not pursue paternity suits against the fathers of any of her children.
- Ann Bearn’s children were generally known by her name, except in the case of those fathered by James Eldrick who were known as Eldrick. At the point however (1891) when she was residing with James Eldrick, her children were noted as Eldrick.
- The father/ fathers of Annie Bearn’s first three illegitimate children are not identified.
- Annie Bearn never married.
- Annie Bearn bore at least five illegitimate children to James Eldrick, her brother-in-law, widow of her sister, Isabella. They co-habited and had children together but could never have considered marrying or considered themselves married (by habit and repute) since, at the time, prior to The Deceased Wife’s Sister’s Marriage Act 1907, marriage with a deceased wife’s sister was not valid[170].
- Annie Bearn bore at least one other illegitimate child after the death of James Eldrick. The father of that child was not identified.
- Annie Bearn bore at least ten children.
- There are at least two examples of inaccurate reporting of family facts involving Annie Bearn. In 1891 she is accurately described as James Eldrick’s sister-in-law, as well as his housekeeper. Given their son, and their subsequent offspring, their relationship was more intimate than that of either in-laws or employer/ housekeeper. Annie Bearn was not, as she declared on the 1901 census, a widow.
c Elizabeth Watson and Jemima Bearn Gordon: an illegitimate birth in Brechin legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the parents
Elizabeth Watson was born in Dundee about 1831. Her marriage certificate (1869) notes her as the reputed daughter of Alexander Watson and Fanny Ogilvie. It may be assumed from the denomination ‘reputed’, that Elizabeth Watson was illegitimate.
Elizabeth Watson married George Christie in 1853.[171] The marriage does not appear on the OPRs. The exact date has not been traced. It is possible that the marriage occurred in the Free Church or in another of the secessionist churches.
The IGI gives the following as the children of George Christie and Elizabeth Watson:
- Frances Christie, born 28 June 1853, Tannadice
- John Ogilvy Christie, born 6 January 1855, Tannadice
- David Christie, born14 December 1856, Brechin
- Elizabeth Christie, born 19 April 1859, Brechin
- George Christie, born 11 July 1861, Aberlemno
- William Ogilvie Christie, born 20 July 1863, Aberlemno.[172]
On 23 June 1853, Frances Christie, was born. She was the daughter of George Christie, Labourer, Essex, England, and his wife, Elizabeth Watson. She was baptised in Tannadice on 28 June 1853.[173] Given that Elizabeth Watson is noted on the OPR as the wife of George Christie, they must have married before 23 June 1853 but since they were married in 1853, the birth could not have been more than six months after the marriage. Frances Christie therefore was legitimate but was conceived prior to her parents’ marriage.
On 6 January 1855, John Ogilvie Christie, son of George Christie and Elizabeth Christie MS Watson, was born at Tannadice. His birth certificate notes his mother as Elizabeth Christie MS Watson, 23 years of age, born Dundee, and notes that his parents married at Downiepark, Tannadice, in 1853. John Ogilvy Christie is noted as his mother’s second child and it is further noted that the issue of the marriage comprises 1 boy (i.e. John) and 1 girl, living.[174]
In 1861 Elisabeth Christie, 29, born Dun (likely a transcription error), Angus, is noted at Aldbar Cottar House, Aberlemno, with her husband, George Christie, and her children, Frances, 7, John Ogilvy, 6, David, 4, and Elisabeth, 1.[175]
On 23 March 1869, Elizabeth Christie MS Watson, Widow, gave birth to her illegitimate daughter, Jemima Bearn Gordon, in Witchden Road, Brechin. The father is noted as James Gordon, Jobbing Gardener. The child was legitimated by the subsequent marriage of its parents on 24 March 1869, i.e. the day following the birth.[176] They were married at Witchden Road, Brechin, after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland. She is noted as Elizabeth Christie, 38, widow of George Christie, Labourer, daughter of Alexander Watson, (Reputed Father), and Fanny (no married name given) MS Ogilvy.[177]
In 1871 Elizabeth Gordon, 40, born Dundee, is residing with her husband, James Gordon, 56, Labourer in Manure, born Brechin, their daughter, Jemima Gordon, 2, born Brechin, four children by James Gordon’s previous marriage and her older three children, Elisabeth Christie, 13, George Christie, 11, both born Brechin, and William Christie, 9, born Aberlemno.[178]
On 25 June 1874, Jemima Gordon, aged 4, daughter of James Gordon, Carter, and Jemima Gordon MS Watson, died at 7 Witchden Road, Brechin of Pthisis Pulmonalis (TB). The informant was James Gordon, father.[179]
In 1881, Elizabeth Gordon, 49, Married, Lodging House Keeper, born Tannadice, is noted in Church Lane, Brechin, with three girls all noted as her daughters: Elizabeth Christie, 20; Jessie Gordon, 9; and Ina Gordon, 3, all born Brechin. Although Tannadice, the given place of birth for Elizabeth, is confusing, the presence of her daughter by her first marriage confirms that this is Elizabeth Gordon MS Watson.[180]
Elizabeth Gordon, widow of William Christie and of James Gordon, aged 72, daughter of James Watson, and Fanny Watson MS Ogilvie, died of a Cerebral Haemorrhage in Forfar on 21 October 1908. The informant was her son-in-law, Harry Kayes.[181]
It is noteworthy that:
- No documentation was traced in which Elizabeth Watson could be definitively identified prior to 1853. It is consequently impossible to comment on her early life or her family.
- Elizabeth Watson’s first child was born less than six months prior to her marriage.
- Elizabeth Watson’s first child by her second husband was born one day prior to the marriage and was therefore illegitimate but legitimated by the subsequent marriage.
- Elizabeth Watson appears to have borne children only to her two husbands.
- Although Elizabeth Watson and James Gordon married the day after the birth of their daughter, that marriage legitimated their daughter, and although the registration of their daughter’s birth did occur until several weeks after both the birth and marriage, the daughter was properly noted as Illegitimate on her birth certificate but as legitimated by their subsequent marriage.
d Ann Duncan and James Webster : a case in which a paternity suit was pursued in respect of an illegitimate birth in Brechin
Ann Duncan was baptised, along with her sister Betsy, on 22 January 1849, in Marykirk, Kincardineshire, the daughter of Peter Duncan and Elizabeth Smith.[182]
Ann Duncan is noted, in 1851, aged 2, born Marykirk, residing at at Balamaludie Cott House, Marykirk, with her older sister, Betsy, 7, Scholar, and her parents.[183]
She is noted in 1861, residing in Edzell, with her parents and her siblings, James, Jane, William and David.[184]
She is noted in 1871, 22, unmarried, Linen Factory Worker, boarding at 7 Witchden Road, Brechin (the subsequent birthplace of her child), born Marykirk.[185] In 1871 her parents are in Inverkeillor with their son and their grandson, John F Daness (Dennis), born Maryton, 4 May 1868,[186] who is the illegitimate son of Elizabeth Duncan, Ann Duncan’s sister. In 1881, her parents are in Careston with their Grandsons, John Dennis, 12, born Maryton and William 2, born Fearn[187]: William is William Duncan, born 23 January 1878, at Whistlemill, Fearn, the illegitimate son of Jane Duncan, Ann Duncan’s sister.[188]
Ann Duncan’s child, James Webster, was born in Brechin on 3 May 1871.[189] Ann Duncan signed the register with her mark, implying that she was illiterate. The child’s father, Malcolm Webster, who registered the birth along with Ann Duncan, was a Farm Servant. Despite his co-registering the birth, a paternity suit was pursued. The RCE states, “In an action relating to the paternity of a male child born in Brechin on the 3d day of May 1871 at the instance of Ann Duncan Farm Servant at East Mains of Finavon in the Parish of Oathlaw against Malcolm Webster Farm Servant at Nether Balgillo in the Parish of Tannadice, the Sheriff Substitute … found that the said child was the illegitimate child of the said Ann Duncan and Malcolm Webster”. Malcolm Webster had been noted on the 1871 census, shortly prior to the child’s birth, as a Farm Servant, aged 20, born St Cyrus, Kincardineshire, at Findowrie Bothy, Brechin.[190]
In December 1871 Malcolm Webster, farm servant at Ingliston, residing in Watt Street, Forfar, was found guilty, along with George Murdoch, at Forfar police Court of falsehood, fraud and wilful imposition. Webster had gone to a tailor in Forfar and ordered a coat, vest, trosuers and a hat, claiming his name was James Webster. Murdoch had claimed to be a fellow servant of Webster’s and promised to stand surety for the price of the clothes. Murdoch claimed that ‘he was induced to make the false statement that he been groomsman at Webster’s marriage and that the clothes mentioned were Webster’s marriage suit’. Wesbter was sentenced to thirty days’ imprisonment, the first fifteen with hard labour.[191] It should firstly be stressed that in 1871 there was only one Malcolm Webster in Angus. There can be little doubt that this is the Malcolm Webster who fathered Ann Duncan’s son. The genealogically interesting aspect of the court case is the mention of the purpose of the clothes being a marriage suit for Malcolm Webster. Malcolm Webster had in fact married Jane Adamson in Forfar on 20 November 1871, six months after the birth of his illegitimate child in Brechin.[192] Webster’s residence is given as Watt Street, Forfar, and one of the witnesses is George Murdoch, his co-accused in the court case. Malcolm Webster and Jane Adamson had a daughter, Helen Reid Webster, born in Forfar on 21 May 1872, six months after their marriage.[193]
In 1881 James Webster is noted, aged 11 (in error, he was exactly one month short of his tenth birthday), Scholar, born Brechin, in The Poors’ Lodging House, Marykirk.[194] His mother is not present with him. She is noted as Ann Duncan, Unmarried, 29, Housemaid, born Marykirk, residing with her employer at Meadowbank House, Kikrnewton, Midlothian.[195]
In 1891, James Webster is noted as 18, Unmarried, an Agricultural Labourer, born Brechin, residing at Nether Kelly Bothy, Arbirlot, Angus.[196] Ann Duncan has not been definitively traced on either the 1891 or 1901 censuses.
James Webster fathered an illegitimate child, Alexander Webster, who was born illegitimately on 30 June 1899, at Slade, Carmyllie, with both James Webster and Helen Bowden registering the birth.[197]
James Webster, aged 27, Ploughman, married Helen Bowden on 1 June 1900 in Carmyllie.[198] He is noted as the son of James (sic) Webster and Annie Webster MS Duncan, implying that his mother had been married to one James Webster.
In 1901 James Webster, 27, Farm Servant, born Brechin, his wife, Helen Webster, and their children, Alexander Webster, 1, born Carmyllie, and Helen Webster, 7 months, born Lunan, are noted in Cottown of Arbikie, Lunan, Angus.[199]
Ann Duncan, aged 64, Housekeeper, Single, daughter of Peter Duncan and Elizabeth Duncan MS Smith, died in 19 Seafield Road, Dundee (Usual Residence 182 Strathmartine Road, Dundee) on 2 February 1914. The informant was her brother, William Duncan, Police Officer, Paisley.[200]
James Webster (formerly Duncan), aged 85, Farm Servant, married to Helen Bowden, died in 4 Council Houses, Barry, on 5 February 1955. He is noted as the son of Ann Duncan “afterwards married to James Webster”. The informant is his son, James Webster.[201] Again, the name of his father is erroneously given as James and it is stated that his mother was married to James Webster, although the informant may simply have taken this information, verbatim and unquestioningly from his marriage certificate.
The Death Certificate of Ann Duncan clearly indicates that she was not married, to James Webster, Malcolm Webster or anyone else. There is however a marriage in 1900 in Aberdeen between James Wesbter, 24, Coal Carter, and Annie Webster, 20, Daughter of Ann Wesbter, now wife of Peter Duncan, Blacksmith.[202] Despite the odd coincidence of Peter Duncan as the step-father, the age of the bride at this marriage is thirty years too young to fit Ann Duncan, mother of James Webster.
It is noteworthy that:
- Ann Duncan was employed as a linen factory worker in early 1871 but by the time of the birth of her son, May 1871, she was noted as a farm servant. She was later noted as a domestic servant.
- Ann Duncan was born and spent her early childhood in rural Kincardineshire; she and her parents were residing in Edzell, Angus, in 1861; she moved to Brechin at some point between the ages of 12 and 22. She subsequently resided in Midlothian, where she worked in domestic service, and in Dundee.
- Ann Duncan is one of at least three sisters who bore illegitimate children. There was therefore a pattern of illegitimacy within her immediate family. The illegitimate children of her sisters spent at least some time with their grandparents, Ann Duncan’s parents, but there is no evidence of her son having done so.
- Ann Duncan was 22 when she gave birth to her illegitimate son, James Webster.
- Ann Duncan signed her son’s birth register with her mark, indicating that she was illiterate.
- There is no record which categorically links her to any particular church or religion.
- She pursued a paternity suit against Malcolm Webster, the father of her child.
- The father of her child was an agricultural worker. He married another woman six months after Ann Duncan bore his illegitimate son. That woman was some six months pregnant at the time of their marriage. He was imprisoned for falsely securing clothes for his wedding.
- There is no evidence of Ann Duncan having borne any other children.
- By 1881 Ann Duncan had moved to Midlothian and was working in domestic service there. At that point her son was in the Poor House at Marykirk, her home parish and not, as were two of his illegitimate cousins, with his grandparents.
- When Ann Duncan’s son married, he indicated, inaccurately, that his parents had been married and inaccurately noted his father as James (cf. Malcolm).
- Ann Duncan’s son, James Webster, and his future wife, had an illegitimate child prior to their marriage.
e Margaret Bruce and Charles Dorward: a legitimate birth in Brechin conceived before marriage
Margaret Burnett Bruce was born 5 March 1848 in Brechin, the daughter of William Bruce and Margaret Anderson and was baptised by the Rev Alexander Foote of the West Free Church, Brechin.[203]
In 1851 Margaret Bruce, aged 3, Scholar, born in Brechin is noted residing at the Meikle Mill, Brechin, with her parents, William Bruce, 24, Joiner, and Margaret Bruce, 22, and her brother Walter, 1. [204] By 1861the family is residing in River Street, Brechin, her father is noted as a House Carpenter, and she and Walter have an additional three siblings, Agnes, aged 9, Elizabeth, 5, and William, 3.[205] In 1871, Margaret B Bruce, 23, unmarried, no occupation given, is residing with her parents and siblings, including Helen, 9, James, 6, and Alex, 2, at 51 Bridge St, Brechin.[206]
She married Charles Dorward, son of James Dorward, Merchant and Farmer, in Brechin on 27 April 1871 after the Forms of the Free Church of Scotland.[207] Their son, Charles Dorward, was born on 21 May 1871[208]. She was therefore some eight months pregnant when she married.
In 1881 Margaret Dorward MS Bruce and her husband, Charles Dorward, 36, Cattle Dealer, are residing in Brechin with their son, Charles, plus another five children[209].
In July 1876 Charles Dorward and two others were found guilty of Breach of the Peace at Brechin Police Court. The charge arose in the aftermath of a quarrel about cheating at cards in the Prince of Wales Hotel, River Street, Brechin, on 26 June. He was fined one guinea.[210] In December 1882, Charles Dorward, Cattle Dealer, Bridge Street, Brechin, was found guilty at Brechin Police Court of assault and fined 7s. 6d.[211] In July 1884 Charles Dorward, General Dealer, Bridge Street, Brechin, was found guilty of assault at Brechin Police Court. The charge was aggravated by a previous conviction. He was fined 5s.[212] In September 1884 Charles Dorward, Cattle Dealer, Bridge Street, Brechin, was sued by Archibald Webster, Publican, Park Road, Brehin, for £7 10s.[213] In March 1885 Charles Dorward was sued by George McLee of Ardovie for £2 12s., being the price of a pig bought by him on 12 January.[214] In May 1885, Charles Dorward, General Dealer, having pled Not Guilty, was found guilty of assaulting his wife. He was fined 15s.[215] Dorward’s history of litigious disputes over debt continued until at least the 1890s. He was sued for £2 10s. in respect of a pig in 1894.[216]
In 1891 Margaret and Charles Dorward remain in Brechin, in Crockett’s Buildings, with ten children, four of whom had been born since 1881[217]. By 1901 Margaret and Charles Dorward, Flesher, are residing again in Crockett’s Buildings, with six of their children[218]. One of their sons, Edwin, was killed in the Dardanelles in 1915.[219] Another, Charles, was manager of the Glen Cinema in Paisley at the time of the disaster on Hogmanay 1929, when 70 children were killed as a result of a fire in the cinema.[220] He was tried for culpable homicide but found Not Guilty.[221]
Margaret Dorward MS Bruce, married to Charles Dorward, died of Tuberculosis, aged 58, in Crockets Buildings, Brechin on 10 July 1906. The informant was her son, William Dorward.[222]
It is noteworthy that:
- Margaret Bruce had no stated occupation outwith the family home prior to her marriage.
- Margaret Bruce appears to have resided continuously with her parents in Brechin prior to marrying Charles Dorward. She then continued to reside in Brechin for the remained of her life.
- There is no evidence of Margaret Bruce having borne any children prior to her marriage. There is no evidence of any of her siblings having been the parents of illegitimate children.
- Margaret Bruce was 23 when she married and when she gave birth to her first (legitimate but conceived prior to marriage) child, Charles Dorward.
- Margaret Bruce signed her marriage certificate, thus suggesting she was literate.
- She and her family had connections (her baptism and marriage) with the Free Church.
- Her husband was the son of a merchant and farmer and was himself a cattle dealer. He was involved during the 1870s and 1880s in a series of petty crimes, some of them violent, including an assault on his wife. He was also regularly pursued for debts, primarily in respect of his business as a cattle dealer.
- Once married Margaret Bruce raised a large family with her husband.
f Ann Stewart and Elizabeth Mathers: a case of a married woman in Brechin who declared that her husband was not the father of her illegitimate child
Ann Stewart was born 1 January 1834 in Lethnot, daughter of John Stewart, Shepherd, and Elizabeth Bowman.[223]
Anne Stewart is noted in 1841, aged 7, born in Angus, residing in Lethnot and Navar, with her parents, John Stewart, 30, Agricultural Labourer, and Elizabeth Stewart, 25.[224]
Ann Stewart is noted in 1851, aged 16, born Lethnot, residing at Ballhall, Bogton, Menmuir, with her parents, John Stewart, 39, Shepherd, born Menmuir, and Elizabeth Stewart, 36, born Edzell, plus Helen Gordon, 14, Niece of the Householders, born Lethnot; John Bowman, 60, Shepherd, born Lochlee; and Peter Duncan, 16, Shepherd, born Lochlee.[225]
Ann Stewart, is noted in 1861, aged 27, Dressmaker, born Lethnot, is residing, as head of household, in 3 Swan Street, Brechin, with her mother, Elizabeth Stewart.[226]
James Mathers and Ann Stewart, 27, Domestic Servant, daughter of John Stewart and Elizabeth Stewart MS Bowman, married in Brechin on 20 January 1865, after the Forms of the Established Church of Scotland.[227]
On 29 August 1865, John Bowman Stewart Mathers, born in Brechin, some seven months after his parents’ marriage, was the son of Ann Stewart and her husband, James Mathers.[228] Ann Stewart was therefore some two months pregnant when she married.
On 7 October 1868, Elizabeth Ann Mathers or Stewart, the daughter of Ann Mathers MS Stewart, was born. Ann Mathers, signed the register. The birth certificate notes Ann Stewart as ‘married on 20th January 1865 to James Mathers Farm Servant who she declares is not the father of the child’.[229]
Ann Stewart is noted in 1871, aged 37, Married, Dressmaker, born Lethnot, residing in Smith’s Lane, Brechin, now with her mother noted as the head of the household, but also residing there are John B S Mathers, 5, born Brechin, and Elizabeth B S Mathers, 2, born Brechin.[230] It should be noted specifically that Ann Stewart is noted as married but noted under her maiden name.
On 14 November 1873, James Mathers or Stewart, was born in Brechin. Again the birth certificate carries a note describing Ann Stewart as “Washer, married to James Mathers, Agricultural Labourer, who she declares is not the father of the child & further that she has not seen or had any communication with him since they ceased to live together in March 1865.” [231] If that statement is accurate, the marriage lasted only some two months.
On 16 March 1880, Ann Stewart’s daughter Bella Stewart or Mathers, was born in Brechin. The birth certificate notes her mother as Ann Stewart, Washerwoman, “wife of James Mathers, Ag Labourer, who she declares is not the father of the child and further that she has not seen or had any communication with him since March 1865 when they ceased to live together”[232].
Ann Mathers is noted in 1881[233], 44, born Lethnot, married, Ag Lab’s wife. With her also are John Mathers, 15; Elizabeth Mathers,12; James Mathers, 7; and Bella Mathers, 1; all born Brechin, in 8 Liddle’s Close, Brechin (Bella Mather’s place of birth) in the home of Elizabeth Stewart, 66, widow, born Edzell. Elizabeth Stewart, is Ann Stewart’s mother. Ann Mathers MS Stewart has, by 1881, had at least four children:
- John Mathers, legitimate son of James Mathers and Ann Mathers MS Stewart but conceived prior to their marriage
- Elizabeth Ann Stewart, daughter of Ann Mathers MS Stewart but not of James Mathers
- James Stewart, son of Ann Mathers MS Stewart but not of James Mathers.
- Bella Stewart, daughter of Ann Mathers MS Stewart but not of James Mathers.
Ann Mathers is noted in 1891, 55, born Lethnot, residing in 47 North Albion Street, Glasgow, with her children, John, Lizzie, James and Bella.[234]
She is, 1901, again in 47 North Albion Street, Glasgow, with her children, and a grandchild, Bella Mathers.[235]
Ann Mathers MS Stewart died in May 1907 at 37 Taylor Street, Glasgow. She is noted as aged 71, widow of James Mathers, Oil Merchant, and daughter of John Stewart and Elizabeth Stewart MS Bowman. The informant was her son, James Mathers.[236]
It is noteworthy that:
- Ann Stewart was noted as a Domestic Servant in 1865 and as a Dressmaker in 1871. She was described in 1874 and in 1880 as a Washerwoman.
- Ann Stewart was born in Lethnot and Navar, a rural parish west of Edzell. She and her family remained there until at least 1841. By 1851 she and her parents had moved to Menmuir and by 1861 to Brechin. Thereafter Ann Stewart appears to have resided in Brechin.
- Ann Stewart appears to have lived until the time of her marriage with her parents.
- Her marriage in 1865 was of brief duration. By 1871 she was again residing with her mother, noted under her maiden name but as married, and with her two children. She continued, with her children, to reside with her mother in 1881.
- No evidence has been found of Ann Stewart having any siblings and no evidence has therefore been found of any proclivity to illegitimacy in the family.
- Ann Stewart was 31 when she married and when she gave birth to her first (legitimate but conceived before marriage) child and 34 when she gave birth to her first child outwith wedlock.
- Ann Stewart signed the birth registers for her children and it is therefore assumed that she was literate.
- Ann Stewart was married after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- Ann Stewart’s first child, John Bowman Stewart Mathers was born some seven months after Ann Stewart and James Mathers married and was therefore conceived prior to that marriage. Her three other children are not recorded as illegitimate on their birth certificates because she was married at the time of their births but she declared her husband not to be their father.
- Ann Stewart did not pursue paternity suits against the fathers of any of her children. Except for her husband, James Mathers, father of her oldest child, none of the fathers acknowledged paternity by signing the birth register. None of the fathers of her other children therefore have been identified.
- James Mathers, her husband and father of her oldest child, conceived before marriage, was an agricultural labourer.
- All of the children appear to have been known as Mathers, their mother’s married name, although James Mathers was the father of only one of them.
2 Case Studies: Edzell
a Fanny Mitchell and Howard Lindsay Mitchell: an illegitimate birth in Edzell
Fanny Mitchell, daughter of George Mitchell and Jessie Wilkie, was born in Fettercairn, about 1852. George Mitchell had married Jessie Wilkie in 1848, with banns cried in both Edzell and Fettercairn.
In 1861 Fanny Mitchell, aged 9, born in Fettercairn, Kincardineshire, is noted at Dalbog Smithy in Edzell, as are her father, George Mitchell, Blacksmith, aged 28, born Edzell; Jessie Mitchell, wife of George Mitchell, aged 40, born Fettercairn; and various siblings of Fanny Mitchell,[237] including Jessie Mitchell, aged 5, born Edzell. Jessie Mitchell, daughter of George Mitchell and Jessie Wilkie, was born 17 April 1856 in Edzell.[238]
Jessie Mitchell, MS Wilkie, died, aged 44, in Edzell in 1865.[239]
In 1870 George Mitchell, Blacksmith, aged 45, residing in Friockheim, Kirkden, married Elizabeth Middleton, in Brechin.[240]
By 1871, George Mitchell’s and Jessie Wilkie’s family was scattered. Their son, David, is noted as 21, a blacksmith, unmarried, born Fettercairn, and residing in Kirkden, Angus[241]. Their daughter, Jessie Mitchell, is noted, aged 14, born Edzell, a domestic servant, residing at Lochside, Edzell[242]. George himself, although already married, is noted residing at Guthrie Quarry Bothy, aged 46, married, mechanic at a quarry, born Edzell; he is with his son, James Mitchell, 16, labourer at a quarry, born Edzell. George Mitchell, 14, Joseph Mitchell, 12, Charles Mitchell, 10, all born in Edzell, are noted with their step-mother, Elizabeth Middleton, in Brechin[243].
Fanny has moved even further afield than her siblings. In 1871, Fanny Mitchell is noted as 19, weaver, born Brechin, boarding with Alexander and Jessie H Williamson in Aberdeen[244]. Although her place of birth is given as Brechin, it is confidently asserted that is the same Fanny Mitchell: the given place of birth Brechin, is close to the actual place of birth, Fettercairn; the age and occupation are accurate; there is no other Fanny Mitchell of the appropriate age on the 1871 Scottish census; and, most decisively, she is noted as ‘deaf’. As her entry on the 1881 census indicates, she was indeed deaf.
On 31 May 1880, Fanny Mitchell gave birth to an illegitimate son, Howard Lindsay Mitchell, at Edzell Castle, Edzell.[245] Fanny Mitchell is noted as a factory worker. The informant is her father, George Mitchell, Edzell Castle. No other usual residence is given and it is therefore assumed that for the period immediately preceding the birth, Fanny Mitchell had been residing at Edzell Castle.
Edzell Castle, or at least a cottage in its grounds, was her father’s residence. In 1881, some ten months after the birth, George Mitchell, aged 56, married, Ground Officer, born Edzell, is noted at Edzell Castle, residing with his wife, Elizabeth Mitchell, aged 52, born Edzell.[246] Neither Fanny Mitchell nor her son remained at Edzell Castle.
Fanny Mitchell, aged 29, unmarried, jute weaver, born Fettercairn, deaf and dumb, is noted on the 1881 census boarding with Grace Wood, at 3 Mid Street, Lochee, Dundee.[247] She is in separate boarding from, but close to, her son, Howard, who is noted as boarding with David Smith and family at 16 Loons Road, Lochee, Dundee.[248]
Her son, Howard Lesley Mitchell, illegitimate, died on 18 May 1881 in Park Place, Lochee, Dundee, aged 1, of Scarlatina.[249] The informant, who signed his death certificate, is his mother, Fanny Mitchell, noted as a steamloom weaver. There is no suggestion that the place of death was not Howard Mitchell’s usual residence; nor is there any indication that the informant’s (i.e. Fanny Mitchell’s) residence was different. It is therefore assumed that Howard Mitchell was in his mother’s home when he died. There is no trace of a Howard Lindsay, after whom this child might be named, on any Scottish census returns. There is however, in 1881, a Howard Lindsay, 36, Dentist and Herbalist, born Boston, USA, British subject in Stafford St Mary and Chad, Staffordhsire[250], and, again, in 1891, a Howard Lindsay, 46, machine vender and American dentist, born in Boston, USA, in Openshaw, Manchester.[251] Howard Lindsay, who “sold pills and lozenges in boxes” was in 1884, found guilty at the Bishop Auckland Assizes of running an illegal lottery.[252] He is likely the Howard Lindsay who died, aged 53, in 1900 in Gloucester.[253]
In 1883, Fanny Mitchell, mill worker, High Street, Dundee, was the victim of the theft of a pair boots.[254] The thief, Jane Fenton, was sent to prison for ten days.
In 1889, Fanny Mitchell, aged 35, jute weaver, spinster, residing at 17 Bernard Street, Dundee, daughter of George Mitchell and the deceased Jessie Mitchell MS Wilkie, married George Nicoll Phin, 26, tailor, in South Road, Lochee, Dundee, after the forms of the Church of Scotland.[255]
In 1891 George Phin and his wife, Fanny Phin, are noted in St Peter Street, Dundee: George Phin, 26, tailor, born Edinburgh, and Fanny Phin, 39, jute weaver, born Kincardineshire.[256]
By 1901 Fanny Phin is noted as 49, widowed, jute weaver, born Fettercairn, Kincardineshire, with three lodgers.[257] (Her deafness is not noted.)
She is noted on the 1911 census[258] as Fransis Phinn, 59, widow, steam loom weaver in a jute works, born Fettercairn, residing alone at 34 Liff Road, Dundee.
Fanny Phin is noted as tenant/ occupier of 161 High Street, Dundee, on the 1915 Valuation Roll.[259] She paid a annual rent of £2 19/=, the second lowest rent on that page of the Roll.
Fanny Phin MS Mitchell died in 1919.[260] Her death certificate is one of the few documents not to refer to her as Fanny but as Frances. She died of broncho-pneumonia, aged 61, in Dundee East Poorhouse, usual residence, Ladybank Lane, Lochee. The informant was the Governors’ Clerk.
It is noteworthy that:
- Fanny Mitchell apparently spent her entire working life as a weaver in the textile industry, briefly in Aberdeen, but primarily in Dundee.
- Fanny Mitchell was born in Fettercairn. She was geographically mobile, residing at different points in Fettercairn, Edzell, Aberdeen and Dundee.
- Fanny Mitchell was the daughter of a family in which her mother had died, she and several of her siblings had left home shortly after their mother’s death, and her father remarried.
- Fanny Mitchell returned to her paternal home, which she had left after the death of her mother in 1864 but prior to 1871, to have her illegitimate child.
- Fanny Mitchell was approximately 28 when she gave birth to her illegitimate child, Howard Lindsay Mitchell.
- Fanny Mitchell signed several documents and appears to have been literate.
- Fanny Mitchell’s marriage was after the forms of the Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- The father of Fanny Mitchell’s child is unknown. She did not pursue a paternity suit. No evidence has been found of her having any other children, either before or after her marriage. Fanny Mitchell’s son was given a distinct name but there is no definitive connection between that name and any possible father. The child was known as Mitchell throughout its brief life.
- Having had an illegitimate child was apparently no barrier to Fanny Mitchell’s subsequent marriage.
- Fanny Mitchell returned, after the birth, to Dundee, to her work in a textile factory and boarded out her child.
- Fanny Mitchell’s son was, apparently back in the maternal home at the time of his death.
- Fanny Mitchell was deaf.
b Helen Webster: illegitimate births, mostly in Edzell
Helen Webster, daughter of James Webster and Jane Smith, was baptised in Lochlee on 16 October 1833.[261] Her date of birth is not recorded.
In 1851, Helen Webster, aged 17, House Servant, born Lochlee, is noted residing with her father, James Webster, 56, Blacksmith, born Careston, and her siblings, John,23, David, 15, and Alexander, 13, at Blacksmith’s House, Midtown, Lochlee.[262]
On 25 August 1856, William Inglis Webster, Illegitimate son of Helen Webster (no father recorded) was born in Lochlee .[263] Helen Webster was the informant and signed the register.
On 21 January 1861, Alexander Webster, Illegitimate son of Helen Webster (no father recorded) was born at Mid Town, Lochlee. The informant was James Webster, Blacksmith, Parent of the Woman.[264]
In 1861 Helen Webster, 27, Housekeeper, born Lochlee, is residing in Lochlee in the home of her father, James Webster, Blacksmith. With her are James Webster’s grandchildren: William Webster, 4; and Alexander Webster, 0; both born Lochlee.[265] (This suggests an earlier date of birth for Helen Webster, c 1833.)
On 27 March 1864, Helen Webster, Illegitimate daughter of Helen Webster, Housekeeper to her Father, was born in Edzell Village.[266] There is an RCE attached.[267] It indicates that ‘in an action relating to the paternity of a female child named Helen Webster born at Edzell, March 27th 1864, at the instance of Helen Webster, residing in Church Street, Edzell, against James Smith, Carrier, Edzell, in the parish of Edzell, the Sheriff Court of Forfarshire on the 20th day of July and 3rd October found that the said child is the illegitimate child of parties aforesaid.’ (Although there are several James Smiths noted in Edzell on both the 1861 and 1871 census returns, none of them are noted as Carriers. One however, on the 1871 census, is noted as James Smith, 42, unmarried, Ploughman, born Stracathro. He is the son of Jane Smith, 71, Farmer and Innkeeper.[268] In 1881 he is noted as James Smith, 55, Farmer of 80 acres, born Stracathro, residing with his sister, Margaret Robb, Widow, Laundress, born Stracathro.[269] At the age of 60, James Smith married Ann Cluness, or Cook in Brechin in 1888.[270] James Smith, Farmer, Edzell, died in 1895.[271] There is no mention in his will of any illegitimate or natural children.[272] It appears certain that this is the James Smith to whom reference is made in the RCE.)
On 15 April 1867, James Webster, Illegitimate son of Helen Webster, Seamstress, (no father recorded) was born in Edzell Village. The Informant was Helen Webster.[273] James Webster (who was noted as James Smith, apprentice tailor, in 1881) is noted as James Smith, aged 24, tailor, born Edzell, lodging in 319 Parliamentary road, Glasgow, in 1891.[274]
On 5 June 1870, Helen Webster gave birth to her illegitimate son, John Webster, in Edzell Village. She is described as a seamstress. No father is noted and she signed the register as informant.[275]
On the 1871 census Helen Webster, 32 (she was 37), Unmarried, Dressmaker, born Lochlee, Forfarshire,is noted as head of household, residing with her four children, Alexander Webster, 10, born Lochlee; Helen Webster, 7; James Webster, 4; and John Webster, 0; all born Edzell, in Cross Road, Edzell.[276]
On 29 November 1879, Helen Webster’s daughter, Helen, died of Pthisis Pulmonalis, aged 15, in Edzell. She is noted as Helen Smith, Illegitimate. Her father is noted as James Smith, Farmer, Reputed Father.[277]
By 1881, Helen Webster, 42 (she was 47), Unmarried, Dressmaker, born Lochlee, remains in Edzell, residing in Union Street, with two sons, James Smith, 14, and John Smith, 10, both born in Edzell. It is apparent that these are the James Webster and John Webster noted in the 1871 census but now known as Smith.[278]
In 1891, Helen Webster is noted (as Ellen Webster), aged 47 (a gross under-exaggeration, she was 57) a Dressmaker, born in Lochlee, living alone in Union Street, Edzell.[279]
In 1893 J.C. Robertson, General Merchant, Edzell, sued Helen Webster, Edzell, for £3 12s. ‘as account for goods supplied.’ Helen Webster claimed some of the goods had been for her sister-in-law and the bench awarded the pursuant 16s. 9d., ‘being the amount of the articles for which the defender admitted liability’.[280]
In 1901 Helen Webster is noted, aged 67 (Accurate!), Unmarried, a Dressmaker, Working on Own Account at home, born in Lochlee, living alone in Union Street, Edzell.[281]
On 24 December 1902, James Webster Smith, 34, Clothier, residing in Church Street, Brechin, son of James Smith, Farmer, Reputed Father, and of Helen Webster, Dressmaker, married Helen Wilson, in Brechin.[282] That is, Helen Webster’s son, James Webster, born 1867, stated that his father was also James Smith.
Helen Webster was “found dead” in Union Street, Edzell, on 30 November 1905. She was noted as 67 years of age (in fact 72), a Seamstress, daughter of __ Webster, Blacksmith, mother unknown. The informant was her son, John W Smith. (Again, one of her son’s is continuing to give his name as Smith.) The cause of death is given as “chronic alcoholism”.[283]
It is noteworthy that:
- Helen Webster’s occupation is given as servant/ domestic servant until 1864 and as either seamstress or dressmaker from 1867 onwards.
- Helen Webster was born in Lochlee and remained there with her parents, latterly with her father, until at least 1861. She had moved to Edzell by 1864 and resided there for the remainder of her life.
- No illegitimate children have been traced as having been borne to any of Helen Webster’s siblings and no evidence has therefore been found of any proclivity to illegitimacy in the family.
- Helen Webster had at least five illegitimate children, the first two born in her native parish of Lochlee, the latter three in Edzell.
- Helen Webster was 23 when her first illegitimate child was born.
- Helen Webster signed the birth register for her son, John, indicating that she was likely literate.
- There is no record which categorically links her to any particular church or religion.
- She pursued a paternity suit in respect of only one of her children, Helen Webster, against James Smith.
- Helen Webster’s children were known as Webster until at least 1871. Thereafter, her three youngest children appear to have been known as Smith.
- It appears therefore, from the names by which they were known, that James Smith may have been the father of at least two of her other children. James Smith was noted variously as a carrier and a ploughman, but was the son of a farmer and inn-keeper, and was himself ultimately a farmer.
- It is uncertain who was the father of Helen Webster’ older children but appears likely that she had children by at least two different men.
- Helen Webster never married.
- Helen Webster frequently under-stated her age
c Florence Jane Tomlinson and Cyril Dann: an illegitimate birth in Edzell legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the parents
Florence Jane Tomlinson was baptised in Chorley, Lancs, on 24 April 1861[284], having been born on 10 August 1859.[285]
She was noted on the 1861 census, Florence Tomlinson, 1, born Manchester, Lancashire, residing with her parents, Harry Tomlinson and Jane Tomlinson, in Cecil Street, Chorlton upon Matlock, Manchester.[286]
She was noted on the 1871 census, 11, Daughter of the Head of the Household, Scholar, born Manchester, Lancashire, residing with Mary Johnston (noted as 45, Married), in King Henry’s Road, Hampstead, London.[287] Her mother however was Jane Johnston, not Mary Johnston. Mary Johnston may have been her grandmother.
She was noted in 1881, 22, Actress, born in Manchester, in Kensington, London, visiting the Joanna Latham, where another actress, Mary O’Dowd, was boarding.[288]
On 14 March 1882 Florence Jane Tomlinson gave birth at Church Street , Edzell, to an illegitimate son, Cyril Tom Cameron Dann.[289] The father, who signed at the registration as co-informant, was Thomas Dann, Medical Student, of Church Street, Edzell. There is a record attached from the Register of corrected entries. It notes that ‘the child named Cyril Tom Cameron Dann, whose birth is registered under Entry No 7 in the Register Book of Births for the year 1882 has been legitimated by the subsequent marriage of its parents, such marriage being registered in the District of Forfar, April 12th 1882’.
On 12 April 1882, Thomas Dann, 22, Bachelor, Medical Student, of Church Street, Edzell, son of Samuel Dann, Hop Grower, and the deceased Hannah Dann, MS Hanbury, married Florence Tomlinson, 22, Spinster, Actress, daughter of Harry Tomlinson, Coal Agent, and the deceased Jane Tomlinson, previously Hooper, MS Johnston, by declaration before witnesses (James Taylor, Solicitor, and William Anderson, Clerk) at the Town Clerk’s Office, Forfar.[290]
An earlier birth certificate[291] however, presents a complicating perspective on this case, since, in it, it is claimed that Cyril Dann’s parents were Sydney Tom Cameron, late Medical Student, and Florence Jane Cameron, MS Tomlinson, married in Eastbourne, Sussex on 9 May 1881. An RCE attaches, indicating that that birth certificate was cancelled by authority of the Sheriff (14 April1882) in consequence of the depositions dated 12 April 1882 (i.e. on the day of the marriage) of Thomas Dann, informant of the Birth, and Florence Jane Tomlinson.
In other words Thomas Dann and Florence Tomlinson had
- Sought to have their child recorded as legitimate when he was not
- Pretended to a marriage which had not occurred
- Registered the birth under a false name.
Dann and Tomlinson had made depositions to the Sheriff, and the matter was duly corrected.
Cyril Dann died of hydrocephalus, aged 6 months, in Trinity Village, Brechin, on 15 September 1882.[292] His parents are noted as Thom Cameron Dann, Theatrical Actor, and Florence Dann, MS Tomlinson.
Florence Dann is noted on the 1891 census, Florence J Dann, 31, Married, Actress, born Manchester, lodging with Emma Schevenberley, in Cleveland Street, Marylebone, London.[293] Her husband is not present.
Thomas Dann is noted on the 1861 census, aged 1, born in Brenchley, Kent, and residing with his parents, Samuel Dann (Wheelwright & Smith employing 1 wright, 1 smith & 1 labourer) and Hannah Dann.[294] He is noted on the 1871 census, 11, Scholar, born Brenchley, Kent, residing with his parents, Samuel and Hannah Dann, at St Ledgers, Brenchley, Kent.[295] He is noted on the 1881 census, Thomas Dann, 21, Unmarried, School Teacher, born Brenchley, Kent, residing in Brenchley, with his brother-in-law, Joseph Dadswell.[296]
Thomas Dann is noted on the 1891 census, 31, Single, no occupation given, born Tunbridge Wells, residing in Cecil House, Savoy Buildings, St Clement Danes, London, an address containing mainly theatrical professionals (Operatic Artist, Theatrical Journalist, etc.).[297]
Thomas Dann has not been traced on the 1901 census.
Thomas Dann remarried in 1903.[298] He is noted as Thomas Dann, 43, Widower, Gentleman, of 9 Cardigan Gate, Richmond, son of Samuel Dann, Gentleman. His wife is noted as Ethele Lumley Hawthorn-Taylor, 28, spinster, of 12 Cardigan Road, Richmond, daughter of William Hawthorn-Taylor, Civil Engineer.
In 1910 Thomas Dann, who was by then Press Officer at London’s Prince of Wales Theatre, and his wife Ethel Lumley Dann sued the theatre manager for unpaid fees.[299]
He is then noted on the 1911 census, Thomas Dann, Married, 51, Journalist, born Tonbridge, Kent, boarding, along with his wife, Ethel Dann, in Upper Bedford Place, Bloomsbury, London.[300]
Although Thomas Dann is noted as widower in 1903, no trace has been found of the death of Florence Jane Dann MS Tomlinson.
This case is of interest, in part, because it is an outlier, actresses being relatively rare on the ground in Edzell. Several other aspects of this case are also noteworthy:
- Florence Tomlinson was an actress, unique among the mothers of illegitimate children traced for this research. She is one of the very few examples discovered during this research of a middle class woman conceiving outside marriage.
- Florence Tomlinson was born and raised in the Manchester area where she had resided with her parents until 1871, when she is noted, out of the family home, an actress, in London.
- Florence Tomlinson was 22 when she gave birth to her illegitimate (but soon to be legitimated) son.
- She was literate.
- There is no record of her having any further children.
- It is highly unusual, as here, for there to be two birth certificates for one child. That arose from the deception perpetrated by the parents on the first certificate.
- The child was legitimated by the subsequent marriage of its parents. Such legitimation, legal in Scotland, would have had no legal standing in England, perhaps explaining both the presence of Florence Tomlinson and of Thomas Dann in Scotland and the attempted initial registration of the birth as a legitimate one.
- There was some substantial deception at the outset, the original birth certificate containing various falsehoods.
- There is some continuing inconsistency in the professional description of Thomas Dann who is noted as a school teacher on the 1881 census, as a medical student on the early 1882 documents, as a theatrical actor on his son’s death certificate in 1882, as a ‘gentleman’ in 1903, and as a journalist in 1911.
- There is some similar inconsistency about Thomas Dann’s professional description of his father: his father described himself in 1861 as a Wheelwright and Smith employing one wright, one smith and one labourer, and, in 1871 as a plain wheelwright; by 1882 Thomas describes his father as a hop grower; by 1903 as a ‘gentleman’, at which point he was also describing himself thus. Thomas Dann also described himself inaccurately on the 1891 census when he claimed to be single: since his wife was still alive, he was married, divorced or widowed but not single.
- No trace has been found of any death certificate, in either Scotland or England, in respect of Florence Dann MS Tomlinson, yet her husband described himself as a widower on his 1903 marriage certificate.
- These various falsehoods and exaggerations pose problems to the genealogist seeking an accurate record of events in a family and require particular care.
- It appears that the only documents in which Thomas Dann and Florence Dann MS Tomlinson appear in Scotland are those in 1882. Their brief stay in Scotland may therefore be assumed to be a direct function of her pregnancy.
d Ann Crabb, Alexander Hosie Crabb and David Carnegie Crabb: a case in which paternity suits were pursued in respect of two illegitimate births in Edzell
Ann Crabb was born about 1849 in Edzell. She was the daughter of John Crabb and Elisabeth Strachan.
In 1851, Ann Crabb, 1, born Edzell, is noted residing with her parents, John Crabb, 39, b Stirling, handloom weaver, and Elizabeth Crabb. Also residing with them are Ann’s siblings, David, 8, Elizabeth, 6, and Jean, 4, plus her grandmother, Mary Strachan.[301]
In 1861, Ann Crabb is noted as 12, scholar, born Edzell, residing with her parents, off High Street, Edzell, and her sisters, Elizabeth and Jean.[302]
Ann Crabb’s illegitimate son, Alexander Hosie Crabb, was born on the 3 March 1871 in Edzell Village.[303] Ann Crabb was noted as a domestic servant. An RCE attaches which indicates that “In an action relating to the paternity of a child named Alexander Hosie Crabb, Born March 20th 1871, at the instance of Ann Crabb, Domestic Servant, Mains of Melgund, Parish of Aberlemno, against Alexander Hosie, Farm Servant, Woodrae, in the Parish of Aberlemno, the Sheriff…. found that the said child was the illegitimate child of the parties aforesaid”.
In 1871, 3 weeks after Alexander’s birth, Ann Crabb, 22, servant out of employment, born Edzell, and her son, Alexander Hosie, 3 weeks, born Edzell, are noted residing in the home of Ann Crabb’s parents, John and Elizabeth Crabb, in High Street, Edzell. Also residing there are Ann Crabb’s sister, Jane Crabb, and Jane Crabb’s illegitimate daughter, Helen Crabb, 4 months, born Edzell.[304]
On 1 July 1872, Ann Crabb’s sister, Jane Crabb, gave birth in Edzell to an illegitimate son, James Kenny Crabb.[305]
On 7 October 1873, Ann Crabb, Domestic Servant, gave birth to her illegitimate son, David Carnegie Crabb, in Edzell Village. Once again an RCE attaches: “In an action relating to the paternity of a child named David Carnegie Crabb, born on the 7th October 1873, at the instance of Ann Crabb, Domestic Servant, sometime residing at Mains of Melgund in the Parish of Aberlemno, against Alexander Hosie, Farm Servant, sometime at Woodrae, in the Parish of Aberlemno, the Sheriff…. found that the said child was the illegitimate child of the said Anne Crabb and the said Alexander Hosie.” Once again the father of Ann Crabb’s child was Alexander Hosie and a legal suit was required to establish his paternity.
On 8 February 1876, Ann Crabb gave birth to her illegitimate daughter, Elizabeth Ann Crabb, in Edzell Village. No father’s name is recorded, nor is there an RCE.[306] Ann Crabb signed these various birth certificates.
In 1881, Ann Crabb, 31, No Occupation – Housekeeper, is residing in 82 Market Street, Brechin, with her father, John Crabb. Also in the house are John Dakers, 12, born Edzell, nephew of John Crabb; David Hosea, 7,born Edzell, grandson of John Crabb; and Elizabeth Mitchell, 5 born Edzell, granddaughter of John Crabb; plus two boarders.[307] David Hosea is David Carnegie Crabb, born 1873, and Elizabeth Mitchell appears to be Elizabeth Ann Crabb, born 1876. Ann Crabb’s son, Alexander Hosie, is not present. Given that Elizabeth Ann Crabb is now apparently known as Mitchell, and that there was no attempt to pursue a suit against the father, we may assume that the father of Elizabeth Ann Crabb or Mitchell is not Alexander Hosie.
In 1881 Alexander Hosie, Ann Crabb’s illegitimate son, is residing at Clocksbriggs Farm, Forfar, with his paternal grandparents, David and Ann Hosie.[308]
On 16 June 1885, Ann Crabb, Domestic Servant, gave birth to her illegitimate son, John Crabb, in 105 Market Street, Brechin. No father’s name is recorded, nor is there an RCE.[309]
In 1891 Ann Crabb, 38 (An under-statement, she was approximately 41.), Laundress, born Edzell, is noted, alone, in 7 Market Street, Brechin.[310] Her son, John Crabb, is noted John Crabb, 6, born Brechin, as a visitor with George and Elizabeth Kenny in Inverarity. Elizabeth Kenny is Elizabeth Crabb, sister of Ann Crabb.[311]
On 6 December 1895, Mary (sic) Ann Crabb, aged 38 (A gross under-statement, she was approximately 46.), Domestic Servant, daughter of John Crabb and Elizabeth Crabb MS Strachan, residing in the Parish of Craig, married George Walker, Farm Servant, in Brechin, after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland.[312]
In 1901 Ann Crabb Walker, 43 (A gross under-statement, she was approximately 51.), born Edzell, is residing with her husband, George Walker, 38, Paper Mill Carter, born St Cyrus, and her son (noted as George Walker’s step-son), John Crabb, 15, Linen Lapper, born Brechin.[313] Although Ann Crabb’s given age on her marriage record is an under-estimate and her forename is given as Mary Ann, it is reasonable to assume that the wife of George Walker was indeed Ann Crabb, born in Edzell, because
- the parental names on the marriage record are accurate, and
- of the presence of Ann Crabb’s son with George Walker and Ann Crabb Walker in 1901.
Ann Walker MS Crabb died at 80 High Street, Brechin (usual residence 73 Queen Street, Forfar), on third July 1921. She is noted as 72 (accurate), Widow of George Walker, General Carter, daughter of John Crabb and Elizabeth Crabb MS Strachan. The informant was her son, John Crabb.[314]
It is noteworthy that:
- Ann Crabb’s employment is given as Domestic Servant, General Servant, Housekeeper, etc.
- Ann Crabb was born and raised in Edzell. She resided with her parents. Prior to the birth of her first son, Alexander, in 1871, she appears to have been residing in Aberlemno but returned to her parents in Edzell for the birth. She then appears to have remained in Edzell until some point between 1876 and 1881. By 1881, with her children, she is in the home of her father, in Brechin and appears to have remained there for most of the remainder of her life, although her usual residence at the time of her death in 1921 was Forfar.
- Ann Crabb’s sister, Jane Crabb, had at least one illegitimate child. There is some pattern of iilegitimacy in the family.
- Ann Crabb was about 20 when she gave birth to her first illegitimate child.
- Ann Crabb appears to have been literate.
- Ann Crabb’s marriage was after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland. This is the only religious connection which has been traced for Ann Crabb.
- Ann Crabb pursued paternity suits, in respect of her first two children, against the same man.
- The father of Ann Crabb’s first two children was a farm servant.
- Ann Crabb’s first two children were known by the surname of their father. Ann Crabb’s third child was known by her middle name, implying that was the name of her father. Ann Crabb’s fourth child was known as Crabb.
- Ann Crabb had four illegitimate children. The naming patterns strongly suggest that her third child was the daughter of a different father from the first two. The first three were all born when she was residing in Edzell. The fourth child was born at least four years after her move to Brechin. That, plus the fact that he was known by her surname, Crabb,suggests that he may well have been the child of a third father.
- After having had four illegitimate children, Ann Crabb married at the approximate age of 46.
- Ann Crabb, in the latter part of her life, regularly under-stated here age.
e Jane Strachan and James Fyffe: a legitimate birth in Edzell conceived before marriage
Jean Strachan, daughter of James Strachan and his wife, Mary Laurie, was born at Carnbog, Fordoun, on 27 February 1848, and baptised 12 March 1848.[315]
In 1851, Jean Strachan, 3, born Fordoun, is residing with her parents, James and Mary Strachan, at East Cairnbeg Cott House, Fordoun. Also residing there is her brother, James, 5.[316]
In 1861, Jane Strachan, 13, Scholar, born Fordoun, is residing with her parents, James and Mary Strachan, at Mid Cowlie, Fordoun. Also residing there is her brother, James, 15.[317]
In 1871 Jean Strachan, 23, Domestic Servant, born Fordoun, is residing with her parents, James and Mary Strachan, at the Gannochy, Edzell.[318]
In 1881 Jane Strachan, 33, born Fordoun, is noted residing with her parents, James and Mary Strachan, at Gannochy Cottage, Edzell, occupation noted as ‘Working in Sch.’ (sic). Also with the family is one Alexander Strachan, 16, Servant, born Benholm. Alexander Strachan was the illegitimate son of Helen Strachan, Domestic Servant. He was born 25 September 1865 in Benholm.[319]
Jane Strachan, 34, daughter of James Strachan and Mary Strachan MS Lowrie, ‘At Home’, married, Ewan Fyfe, Gamekeeper, in Edzell, after the Forms of the Established Church of Scotland, on 31 May 1882. Jane Strachan signed the marriage register.[320]
Jane Fyffe MS Strachan gave birth to her son, James Fyffe, on 19 December1882 in Edzell, six and a half months after her marriage.[321]
James Fyffe, aged 1, son of Ewan Fyffe and Jeannie Fyffe MS Strachan, died of Bronchitis in Edzell on 19 February 1884.[322]
In 1891 Ewan Fife, Jane Fife, 43, born Fordoun, and their son, Ewan Fife, 4, born Edzell, are noted residing in Union Street, Edzell.[323]
In 1901 Jane Fyfe and Ewan Fyfe remain, without children, in Union Street, Edzell.[324]
Jane Strachan, married to Ewan Fyfe, Gamekeeper, died, aged 61, of Laryngeal Phthisis, in Union Street, Edzell, on 30 March 1909.[325]
It is noteworthy that:
- Jane Strachan was noted as domestic servant in 1871; as ‘Working in Sch’ in 1881; and as ‘at home’ in 1882.
- Jane Strachan was born in Fordoun, Kincardineshire in 1848 and was there, with her parents, until at least 1861. By 1871, still with her parents, she had moved to, and was residing in, Edzell. She was residing with them in 1882 when she married and she remained in Edzell for the rest of her life.
- Jane Strachan was 34 at the time of her marriage and at the time of the birth of her first (legitimate but conceived prior to marriage) child.
- Jane Strachan signed the register at her marriage, indicating that she was likely literate.
- Jane Strachan was married after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- Her son was born some six months after marriage at which point she was therefore some three months pregnant.
- No evidence has been traced of any other member of her family who parented an illegitimate child.
- The father of her child was a gamekeeper.
- Jane Strachan and Ewan Fyffe appear to have had only two children.
3 Case Studies: Darvel
a Ellen Bell and Maggie Connell: an illegitimate birth in Darvel acknowledged by the father
Ellen Bell was born in Darvel around 1854, the daughter of Robert Bell and Mary Lawson. Robert Bell and Mary Dalziel Rogerson Lawson posted banns in Loudoun Parish on 26 February 1853.[326]
Helen Bell, 6, born Darvel, is noted in 1861 in Hutchesontown, Glasgow, residing with Robert Bell, 32, born Eaglesham, Baker; Mary Bell, 29, born Darvel; and Jane Bell, 4; Thomas Bell, 2; and Margaret Bell, 1 (all born in Glasgow); and Thomas Kirkland, 21; and Donald McKinnon, 42.[327]
Ellen Bell is noted in 1871, aged 16, Muslin Weaver, born Darvel, residing in East Main Street, Darvel, with her mother, Mary Bell, a widow.[328] Also residing in the house are Thomas Bell, 12, born Govan, and Alexander Bell, 6, born Darvel, and Duncan Lawson, 35, Lodger, Cotton Weaver, born Darvel. (Thomas Bell and Alexander Bell are the children of Robert Bell and Mary Dalziel Rogerson Lawson.)
On 24 June 1875, Maggie Connell, the illegitimate daughter of William Connell, Muslin Weaver, and Ellen Bell, Muslin Weaver, was born in East Main Street, Darvel. Both parents signed the register, Ellen Bell with her mark. William Connell’s residence was in Nelson Street, Galston.[329] (It has not proved possible to trace this William Connell with certainty. The only William Connell in Galston on either the 1871 or 1881 census returns is a joiner and is not residing in Nelson Street.)
On 2 April 1880, Helen Bell, 24, Cotton Mill Worker, daughter of Robert Bell, Baker, and Mary Bell MS Dalziel, married George Lochore, 24, Police Constable, son of George Lochore and Margaret Lochore MS Nairn, after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland, in Dennistoun, Glasgow.[330] By utter coincidence, George Lochore is the brother of Margaret Lochore, for whom see the next-but-one case study.
On 27 December 1880, George Lochore, son of George Lochore, Muslin Weaver, and Hellen Lochore MS bell, was born in East Main Street, Darvel.[331] By the narrowest of margins, George Lochore appears to have been conceived after his parents’ marriage.
In 1881, George Lochore, 25, Muslin Weaver, born Darvel; Helen Lochore, Wife, 25, born Darvel; and George Lochore, son, 3 months, born Darvel; are noted in 44 East Main Street, Darvel. Maggie Connell is not with them.[332]
Margaret Connell, 5, born Darvel, is noted in 1881 residing with her grandmother, Mary Bell, in East Main Street, Darvel.
In 1891, Maggie Bell, 15, Lace Darner, born Darvel, is noted as grand-daughter, residing with Mary Bell, 59 Married, born Darvel (i.e. Ellen Bell’s mother) in 48 East Main Street, Darvel. Also residing there are Alexander Bell, 26, Mary Bell’s son; George Lochore, grandson, 10, born Darvel; and Robert Lochore, Grandson, 8, born Darvel.[333]
On the same census, in 1891 George Lochore, 35, Axminster Carpet Weaver, and Ellen Lochore, 36, both born Darvel, are also residing in 48 East Main Street, Darvel, (i.e. in the same common stair) with their children, Mary Lochore, 7, Elsa Lochore, 5, Ellen Lochore, 3, and Janet Lochore, 1.[334]
On 12 July 1899, Maggie Bell, 24, Lace Darner, in Darvel, noted as daughter of Robert Bell and Mary Bell MS Lawson, married James Lambie.[335] (Robert Bell and Mary Bell were her grandparents. Maggie Bell is Maggie Connell, Ellen Bell’s illegitimate daughter.)
In 1901 George Lochore, 46, and Ellen Lochore, 46, are residing in Morton’s Buildings, Donington Street, Darvel. With them are their children, George Lochore, 20; Robert Lochore, 18; Mary Lochore, 17; Elizabeth, 15; Nellie, 13; John, 9; and Jeannie, 8. Also with them is Mary Bell, 69, Ellen Bell’s mother.[336]
In 1911 George Lochore, 55, Loan Collector, and Ellen Lochore, 55, born Darvel, married 31 years, 9 children born alive, 8 children living, are residing in 31 East Donnington Street, Darvel. With them are six of their children: George, 30; Mary, 27; Lizzie, 25; Nellie, 23; John, 19; and Jeannie, 18.[337] (It is uncertain if these 9 children of whom 8 were living included Maggie Connell.)
On 27 August 1924, George Lochore, 69, Married to Helen Bell, died at 163 Dalmarnock Road, Glasgow.[338]
On 20 February 1925, Helen Lochore, 70, widow of George Lochore, and daughter of Robert Bell and Mary Bell MS Lawson, died at 163 Dalmarnock Road, Glasgow. The informant was George Lochore, her son.[339]
On 8 May 1958, Maggie Lambie, 82, daughter of William Connell and Ellen Bell afterwards Lochore, died in Baillieston.[340]
It is noteworthy that:
- Ellen Bell was employed as a muslin weaver.
- Ellen Bell was born in Darvel but spent part of her childhood, with her family, in Glasgow. She had returned to Darvel with her widowed mother by 1871. She then remained in Darvel until at least 1911 but was residing in Glasgow in the latter part of her life. Maggie Connell, Ellen Bell’s illegitimate daughter, appears to have been raised by her grandmother, Mary Bell, Ellen Bell’s mother. Most unusually, Maggie Connell gave Mary Bell and Robert Bell, her grandparents, as her parents on her marriage certificate.
- Ellen Bell’s daughter, Maggie, was known variously as Maggie or Margaret, Bell or Connell.
- Ellen Bell’s mother, Mary Bell MS Lawson, appears to have played the major role in the up-bringing of Ellen’s illegitimate daughter and a significant part in supporting the raising of Ellen Bell’s other children.
- Ellen Bell was around 21 when she gave birth to her first, illegitimate child. She was 24 when she married.
- Ellen Bell was illiterate.
- Ellen Bell married George Lochore after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland. This is the only indication of any religious affiliation.
- Ellen Bell pursued a paternity suit against William Connell, the father of her illegitimate child. William Connell was a muslin weaver.
- Ellen Bell had one illegitimate child to William Connell and either eight or nine legitimate children with her husband, George Lochore.
- Once married Ellen Bell raised a large family with her husband.
b Janet McIntosh and Elizabeth Marshall: an illegitimate birth in Darvel legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the parents
Janet McIntosh, daughter of John McIntosh, weaver, and Margaret Anderson, in Darvel, was born 10 March 1840 and baptised privately on 26 June 1840.[341]
Janet McIntosh is noted in 1841 as aged 1, residing with her parents, John McIntosh, CHLW (Cotton Hand Loom Weaver) and Margaret McIntosh, plus her sister, Isobel McIntosh, aged 3, in Darvel.[342]
She is noted in 1851 as Janet McIntosh, aged 11, Cloth Cutter, residing with her mother, Margaret McIntosh, 34, Cloth Cutter, born Loudoun, and her siblings, John McIntosh, aged 7, and Ninian McIntosh, aged 5.[343]
Janet McIntosh’s marriage to James Morton, occurred in Loudoun Manse, according to the Forms of the Established Church of Scotland, on 1 January 1858. She was 17, a Muslin Weaver and residing in Townhead, Darvel.[344]
Their daughter, Margaret Morton was born on 5 December 1858 in Townhead, Darvel.[345]
They are noted in 1861 as James Morton, 24, Cotton Weaver, born Newmilns; Janet Morton, 21, born Darvel. Residing with them, in the East End of Darvel, are their children, Margaret, aged 2, and George, aged 6 months.[346]
On 30 June 1863, James Morton died aged 27, in Townhead, Darvel.[347]
Elizabeth Marshall, the illegitimate daughter of Janet Morton MS McIntosh, was born 19 February 1870 in East Main Street, Darvel. The father, noted as Arthur Marshall, muslin weaver, co-registered the birth. He signed the register with his mark and his name, unlike in the preceding column, is noted as Robert Marshall. Janet Morton is noted as Janet Morton, widow, MS McIntosh, and signed the register as Janet Morton.[348]
On 13 February 1871, Robert Marshall, Muslin Weaver, Widower, aged 38, residing in Main Street, Newmilns, married Janet McIntosh, Muslin Weaver, aged 30, daughter of deceased John McIntosh and Margaret McIntosh MS Anderson, residing in West Main Street, Darvel, in Loudoun Manse, according to the Forms of the Established Church of Scotland.[349] Elizabeth Marshall was de facto legitimated by the marriage of her parents but they made no effort to formalise this by having her birth certificate corrected.
In 1871, Janet Marshall MS McIntosh is noted as Janet McI Marshall, aged 31, Married, Cotton Darner, born Darvel, residing in West Main Street, Darvel, with her husband Robert Marshall. Also residing with them are Margaret Morton, 12, and John Morton, 8 (Janet’s children by her first marriage); Robert Marshall, 8, son of Robert Marshall’s first marriage; and Elisabeth Marshall, 1, the child born prior to the marriage.[350]
Janet Marshall is noted in 1881, aged 40, Cotton Lace Darner, born Darvel, residing in Cross Street, Darvel, with her husband, Robert Marshall, and their daughter, Elizabeth Marshall, aged 11.[351]
Janet Marshall is noted in 1891, aged 51, born Darvel, residing with her husband, Robert Marshall, without offspring, in East Main Street, Darvel.[352]
Janet Marshall is noted in 1901, aged 61, born Darvel, residing with her husband, Robert Marshall, without offspring, in Nelson Street, Newmilns.[353]
Janet Marshall, widow of (1) James Morton, Muslin Weaver, and (2) Robert Marshall, Muslin Weaver, died, aged 76, of Chronic Cystitis, in Newmilns, Loudoun, on 7 August 1916. The informant was George Morton, her son.[354]
It is noteworthy that:
- Janet McIntosh was employed in the textile industry at the age of 11 as a cloth cutter, and later as weaver.
- Janet McIntosh was born in Darvel, appears to have resided in Darvel with her parents until her first marriage, and subsequently lived there until at least 1891.
- By 1901 she and her (second) husband had moved across the parish to Newmilns and she appears to have resided there for the remainder of her life.
- No evidence has been found of Janet McIntosh’s siblings bearing illegitimate off-spring and there is therefore no evidence of a family proclivity to illegitimacy.
- Janet McIntosh was 17 when she married her first husband. She was 29 when she gave birth to her illegitimate daughter, Elizabeth Marshall, and 30 when she married Robert Marshall, the father of Elizabeth Marshall.
- Janet McIntosh signed the birth register for her daughter, Elizabeth, indicating that she was likely literate
- Janet McIntosh’s marriages were both after the forms of the established Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- Robert Marshall, the father of Janet McIntosh’s illegitimate daughter, acknowledged his paternity by signing the birth register. Robert Marshall and Janet Marshall married almost exactly one year after the birth of their daughter. Both parties had been widowed.
- Robert Marshall was a Muslin Weaver.
c Margaret Lochore and Margaret Smith Lochore: an illegitimate birth in Darvel in which a paternity suit was pursued but in which the parents subsequently married
Margaret Lochore was born 13 July 1863 at Priestland, Galston, daughter of George Lochore, Garden Labourer, and Margaret Lochore MS Nairn.[355]
Margaret Lochore is noted in 1871, as Maggie Lochore, 8, born Darvel, with her parents, George Lochore, 55, Wool Weaver, born Galston, and his wife, Margaret Lochore, 46, Pirn Winder, born Chapelton, Lanarkshire, in Paterson Lane, Darvel. With them are Margaret’s siblings, George Lochore, 16; Janet C Lochore, 13; Elizabeth Lochore, 10; and John Lochore, 3.
Margaret Lochore is noted in 1881, aged 17, General Servant, Domestic, born Galston, Ayrshire, residing at Oldbarn Farm, Neilston, Renfrewshire.[356]
On 9 November 1884, Margaret Smith Lochore, illegitimate daughter of Margaret Lochore, Housekeeper, was born in Paterson’s Lane, Darvel. Margaret Lochore signed the register. There is no father’s signature on the register and the informant was the mother.[357] A paternity suit was pursued by the mother two years later, in 1886, and the RCE indicates that in ‘an action relating to the paternity of a female child born 9th November 1884 at the instance of Margaret Lochore, Farm Servant, Greenfieldmuir, Neilston, against James Smith, a Farm Servant at Nether Kirkton, Neilston, the Sheriff Substitute … found that the said child was the illegitimate child of the said Margaret Lochore and James Smith.’[358] Unusually, for a situation where a paternity suit was pursued, the parents married.
On 31 December 1886, only a month after the paternity suit had been completed, James Smith, Carter, in the parish of Neilston, married Margaret Lochore, 22, Farm Servant in the Parish of Neilston, daughter of the deceased George Lochore, Muslin Weaver, and Margaret Lochore MS Nairn, after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland in Darvel.[359]
In 1891, James Smith, 26 Forester, and Margaret Smith, 27, born Priestland, Ayrshire, are residing in Chalmers Buildings, Silverwell, Blantyre, with their children, Margaret Smith, 6, Scholar, born Loudoun; Robert Smith, 4, born Neilston; James Alex. Smith, 2, born Blantyre; and an un-named baby, born Blantyre.[360]
By 1901, the family has returned to Darvel. The census notes, at 28 East Main Street, Darvel, James Smith, 36, Labourer, born Woodside, Lanarkshire; Margaret Smith, 36, born Galston; Margaret Smith, 16, Pirn Winder, born Darvel; Robert Smith, 13, Apprentice Blacksmith, born Barrhead; James Smith, 12, Scholar, born Blantyre; Jane Smith, 8, Scholar, born Blantyre; Lizzie Smith, 3, born Galston; William Smith, 5, born Darvel; George Smith, 1, born Darvel; and David Thomson, 39, Boarder, Lace Weaver, born Tarbolton.
Margaret Smith apparently returned to Blantyre. She died on 30 December 1931, at 93 Craig Street, Blantyre and is noted, Margaret Smith, widow of James Alexander Smith, Jobbing Gardener, and daughter of George Lochore and Margaret Lochore MS Nairn. The informant was J.L Wood, son-in-law.[361]
It is noteworthy that:
- Margaret Lochore was noted as a domestic servant in 1881,as a housekeeper in 1884 and as a farm servant in 1886.
- She was born in Galston (the adjoining parish to Darvel), resided in Darvel with her family as a child but as a 17 year old had moved to Neilston in Renfrewshire where she resided with her employer on a farm. She returned to Darvel to have her child but returned subsequently to Neilston where she was residing at the time of her marriage, in 1886, although the marriage occurred in Darvel. After her marriage she, her husband and family resided in Blantyre, Lamarkshire, but later returned to Darvel.
- Margaret Lochore was 21 when she gave birth to her illegitimate daughter.
- Margaret Lochore signed the birth register for her daughter, Margaret, indicating that she was likely literate.
- Margaret Lochore married James Smith after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- Margaret Lochore pursued a paternity case against the father of her daughter but, shortly after having successfully had James Smith identified as her child’s father, she married him.
- James Smith was a farm servant and later a forester.
- Margaret Lochore bore one illegitimate child and at least six other children to James Smith. No evidence has been found of Margaret Lochore having had children by any other men.
- Margaret Lochore’s daughter, Margaret Smith Lochore, was given her father’s surname as a middle name and was known as Margaret Smith.
d Flora Murchie and John Smith Murchie: an illegitimate birth in Darvel in which a paternity suit was pursued
Flora Murchie, the daughter of Finlay Murchie and Flora Murchie MS Mclean, was born in early 1851 in Darvel.
In 1851 the census notes as residing in Darvel, Findley Murphy, 44, Labourer, born Arran, Buteshire; Flora Murphy, born Tyree, Argyllshire; John Murphy, 15, Shoemaker, born Galston; James Murphy, 14, Scholar, born Galston; Isabel Murphy, 11, Cloth Cutter, born Galston; Mary Murphy, 9, Scholar, born Loudoun; Findley Murphy, 7, Scholar, born Loudoun; Thomas Murphy, 2, born Loudoun; Flora Murphy, 1 month, born Loudoun.[362]
In 1861 the census notes as residing on the South End of the Street at the East End of Darvel, Finlay Murphy, 56, born Arran, Buteshire; Flora McL Murphy, 46, born Tyree, Argyll; Mary, 19, Darner of Cotton Cloth, born Darvel; Finlay, 17, Cotton Weaver, born Darvel; Thomas, 12, Cloth Cutting Factory Boy, born Darvel; Flora, 10, Pirn Winder, born Darvel; Daniel, 6. Scholar, born Darvel; John McL, 1,born Darvel.[363]
On 11 March 1871, John Smith Murchie, the illegitimate son of Flora Murchie, was born in East Main Street, Darvel. The informant on the birth certificate is Finlay Murchie, grandfather of the child.[364] An RCE attaches to the birth certificate.[365] It indicates that in ‘an action relating to the paternity of a male child born 11th March 1871 at the instance of Flora Murchie, Weaver, Darvel, against John Smith, Joiner, residing in Lamlash House, Railway Inn, Greenholm in the Parish of Galston, the Sheriff Substitute … found that the said child was the illegitimate child of the parties aforesaid’.
In 1871 the census notes as residing at 78 East Main Street, Darvel, Finlay Murphy, 65, Agricultural Labourer, born Buteshire, Kilmory; Flora McL Murphy, 55, born Argyll, Tyree; Flora Murphy, Daughter, 20, Cotton Weaver, born, Darvel; Daniel Murphy, Son, 16, Joiner, born Darvel; John McL Murphy, Son, 12, Cotton Weaver, born Darvel; John S Murphy, Grandson, 1 month, born Darvel.[366]
It is certain, given the consistency of forenames and dates, that the Murphy family noted in Darvel 1851-1871 is in fact the Murchie family.
On the 8 June 1877, John Paxton, widower, married Flora Murchie, aged 25, Domestic Servant, daughter of Finlay Murchie and Flora McLean, in Galston, after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland.[367] Flora Murchie was some seven months pregnant at the time of the marriage. Flora Murchie signed the register.
Mary Bella Paxton, born 15 January 1878, at 6 Wellfield Place, Springburn, Glasgow, was the daughter of John Paxton and Flora Paxton, MS Murchie.[368]
On 10 February 1881, Flora Paxton, aged 29, married to John Paxton, daughter of Finlay Murchie and Flora Murchie, MS McLean, died of Heart Disease in Fleming Place, Springburn, Glasgow. The informant was her widower, John Paxton.[369]
John S Murchie is noted in 1881, as aged 10, Scholar, born Darvel, residing with his grandparents, Finlay and Flora M Murchie in East Main Street, Darvel.[370] Also residing with Finlay and Flora Murchie are four further ‘grandchildren’, Mary Paxton, aged 3; Jane Paxton, aged 10; John Paxton, aged 9; and Richard Paxton, aged 7.
This would appear to suggest that Flora Murchie, mother of John Smith Murchie, and daughter of Finlay Murchie, was also the mother of the Paxton grandchildren noted on the 1881 census with Finlay Murchie. Their birth certificates however reveal a more complex situation. Jane Paxton, born 11 June 1870, in Centre Street, Springburn, Glasgow, was the daughter of John Paxton and Mary Paxton MS Sanderson.[371] John Paxton, born 17 October 1871, in Centre Street, Springburn, Glasgow, was also the child of John Paxton and Mary Paxton MS Sanderson.[372] Similarly, John Paxton and Mary Paxton MS Sanderson, are noted as the parents of Richard Paxton, born 1873.[373]
In other words, two (John Murchie and Mary Paxton) of the five children residing in 1881 with Finlay Murchie and noted as his grandchildren, were, indeed, his grand-children. The other three (Jane, John and Richard Paxton) were the step-children of his recently deceased daughter, Flora.
Finlay Murchie, aged 84, General Labourer, married to Flora McLean, son of Daniel Murchie and Mary Murchie MS McCurdie, died on 7 November 1890, in East Main Street, Darvel. The informant was John Smith his grandson, i.e. the illegitimate son of his daughter Flora.[374]
John Smith, Flora Murchie’s son, is noted on the 1891 census, aged 20, Joiner, born Darvel, residing with his grandmother, Flora Murchie in 98 East Main Street, Darvel.[375]
It is noteworthy that:
- Flora Murchie was employed in the textile industry from at least the age of 10, firstly as a pirn winder then as a weaver. By 1877 she is noted as a domestic servant.
- Flora Murchie was born in Darvel and resided there until her marriage in 1877.
- Flora Murchie’s illegitimate son, John Smith Murchie, resided with his grandparents until adulthood. So also, for some time after Flora Murchie’s death, did her legitimate child and her step-children.
- No evidence has been traced of any other members of the Murchie family bearing illegitimate children.
- Flora Murchie was 20 (or very close to it) when she gave birth to her illegitimate son, John Smith Murchie. According to her marriage certificate she was 25 when she married John Paxton. She was likely 26. She was 27 (or very close to it) when she gave birth to her legitimate (but conceived prior to marriage) daughter.
- Flora Murchie signed her marriage register, indicating that she was likely literate.
- Flora Murchie married after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- Flora Murchie pursued a paternity suit against John Smith, the father of her illegitimate child. John Smith was a joiner and, at the time was unmarried, living in Galston (the adjoining parish) with his siblings.
- Flora Murchie married John Paxton in 1877. She was some seven months pregnant when she married.
- Flora Murchie appears to have borne children to two men, John Smith, and her husband, John Paxton.
- John Smith Murchie, Flora Murchie’s illegitimate son, was noted as John Murchie (or John S Murchie) until at least 1881 but by 1890 as John Smith, the surname of his father.
- There were major issues created in tracing this family as a result of the consistently erroneous transcription of the family name as Murphy.
e Janet Dykes and Thomas Aird: a legitimate birth in Darvel conceived before marriage
Janet Dykes was born in Galston in 1850, the daughter of Alexander Dykes and Agnes Morton.
Janet Dykes is noted in 1851, aged 3 months, born Galston, residing in Brown Street, Galston, with her parents, Alexander Dykes, 24, Handloom Weaver, born Galston, and Agnes Dykes, 22, born Galston. Also residing there are her siblings, Agnes, 4, and Jean, 2, plus a lodger, Jean Morton, Unmarried, Harness Work Cutter, born Galston (possibly a sister of Agnes Dykes MS Morton).[376]
Janet Dykes is noted in 1861, aged 10, Cotton Weaver, born Loudoun Parish, residing with her parents, Alexander Dykes, 34, and Janet (sic) Dykes, 34, born Loudoun Parish, plus her siblings, Agnes, 15, Alexander,2, and Margaret,1.[377] Alexander Dykes had remarried one Janet Morton. On 1 May 1858, Alexander Dykes, widower, Muslin Weaver, aged 32, married Janet Morton, 31, daughter of John Morton and Margaret Morton, in Darvel.[378] Their son, Alexander, was born six months later, on14 October 1858.[379]
On 13 April 1866, Agnes Dykes gave birth to her illegitimate son, John Dykes, in Darvel. The informant (who signed with his mark) was her father, Alexander Dykes.[380] This therefore is Agnes Dykes, sister of Janet Dykes. On 8 July 1869, Agnes Dykes gave birth to her illegitimate son, Alexander Morton Dykes.[381] Alexander Morton Dykes died on 7 May 1870 in Brewland Street, Galston. The informant was Agnes Dykes, Cotton Weaver, Mother.[382] Agnes Dykes, aged 24, Cotton Weaver, born Loudoun Parish, is noted in 1871, a lodger in 14 Cross Street, Galston, with her son, John Dykes, 4, born Loudoun Parish.[383]
Janet Dykes married William Scade, Muslin Weaver, on 19 August 1870, at which point she was 19, in Darvel, after the Forms of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.[384] She signed the register with her mark. William Scade died of Typhus Fever on 6 December 1870.[385] There is no record of any children by this marriage.
In 1871 Janet Scade MS Dykes is noted as Janet Scade, Widow, 21, Cotton Weaver, born Galston and residing in East Main Street, Darvel.[386]
On 18 August 1871, John Aird, 22, Muslin Cutter, son of Thomas Aird and Marion Aird MS Scade, married Janet Dykes, 21, Muslin Winder, daughter of Alexander Dykes and Agnes Loudoun Dykes MS Morton, in Darvel after the forms of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.[387] Both parties signed the register with their marks, indicating illiteracy. She is noted as the widow of William Scade.
Thomas Aird was born 1 March 1872 in East Main Street, Darvel, the son of John Aird, Muslin Cutter, and Janet Aird MS Dykes.[388] She was therefore some two-and-a-half months pregnant when she married John Aird.
On 14 September 1880, John Craig, 32, Widower, Muslin Weaver, married Agnes Dykes, 33, Muslin Weaver, daughter of Alexander Dykes and Agnes Dykes MS Morton, in Darvel.[389] On 17 October 1880, John Craig and Agnes Craig MS Dykes had a daughter, Margaret Craig.[390] Agnes Dykes had been some eight months pregnant at the time of the marriage. In 1881 John Craig, 32, Muslin Weaver, born Darvel; Agnes Craig, Wife, 35, born Newmilns; Agnes Craig, Daughter, 6, born Galston; Jane Craig, Daughter, 2, born Galston; and Margaret Craig, Daughter, 5 months, born Galston; are noted in Darvel. Agnes Dykes, as already noted, was the sister of Janet Dykes.
In 1881 John Aird, 32, Lace Weaver, and Janet Aird, 30, are residing in West Main Street, Darvel, with their sons, Thomas Aird, 9 born Darvel, and Alexander Aird, 5, born Darvel, and John Aird’s father-in-law, Janet Aird’s father, Alexander Dykes.[391]
In 1891 John Aird, 42, Muslin Cutter, and Janet D Aird, 42, born Newmilns, are residing in Burnbank Street, Darvel, with five children, Thomas, 19, Alexander,15, Agnes, 6, Marion, 3, and James 9 months. Also residing with them are Marion Scade, Widow, aged 64, mother of John Aird, and William Aird, 19, Lodger, Lace Shuttler, born Darvel.[392]
On 13 December 1899, Janet Aird, aged 49, married to John Aird, Muslin Clipper, daughter of Alexander Dykes and Agnes Dykes MS Morton, died of Pyellitis and Chronic Rheumatism in Burnbank Street, Darvel. The informant was her husband, John Aird. No mention is made on the certificate of her first marriage.[393]
It is noteworthy that:
- Janet Dykes worked as a cotton weaver from the age of 10.
- She was born in Galston and spent her life in the adjacent parishes of Galston and Darvel.
- She resided with her parents and, after her mother’s death and father’s remarriage, with her father and step-mother until her first marriage at the age of 19.
- Janet Dykes’s sister, Agnes Dykes, had two illegitimate children. Agnes Dykes then married John Craig while heavily pregnant. Her brothers, Alexander and Andrew, also had children conceived prior to their respective marriages. Janet Dykes was therefore a member of a family with a proclivity to illegitimacy and pre-nuptial conception.
- Janet Dykes was 19 at the time of her first marriage, 21 at the time of her second marriage and 22 (or very close to that) at the time of the birth of her first (legitimate but conceived prior to marriage) child.
- Janet Dykes was illiterate.
- Both Janet Dykes’s marriages were after the forms of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.
- Both Janet Dykes’s husbands were employed in the textile industry, William Scade as a weaver, John Aird, as a Cutter.
- Janet Dykes had five children, all legitimate but the first conceived before marriage.
- There is no evidence of Janet Dykes having had children by any man other than John Aird.
4 Case Studies: Kilmaurs
a Elizabeth Prendergast and Annie Pindergrass: an illegitimate birth in Kilmaurs
Elizabeth Prendergast was born 12 October 1856, at Whitehall, Maybole, daughter of Thomas Prendergast, Coal Miner, and Maria Prendergast MS Martin.[394] She was baptised at Sacred Heart RC Church, Girvan, on 19 October 1856, the sponsors being Matthew Mack and Janet Martin.[395]
In 1861 Elizabeth Pendergast, 4, born Maybole, daughter of Thomas Pendergast, 34, Pit Shanker, born Ireland, and Maria Pendergast, 26, born Ireland, is noted in Kirkmichael, Ayrshire. Also residing there are her brother, James, aged 2, and John, aged 10 months, plus a visitor, Ellen Mack, aged 8, born Maybole.[396]
In 1871 Elizabeth Pendergast, 15, no occupation given, born Maybole, is noted, residing with her parents, Thomas Pendergast, 45, Coal Miner, born Ireland, and Maria Pendergast, 45, born Ireland, in Dalmellington. Also residing in the household are her siblings, James, 13, John, 10, and Mary, 9, plus John Hamil, 26 Labourer, born Ireland, a Lodger.[397]
On 19 July 1879, Elizabeth Pindergrass, Farm Servant, gave birth to her illegitimate daughter, Annie Pindergrass, in Carmelwood, Kilmaurs.[398] She signed the birth certificate as informant. There is no record of the father.
On 20 November 1879, Elizabeth Pendergast, 21,Domestic Servant, daughter of Thomas Pendergast and Maria Pendergast MS Martin, married Dominick McLeary, Widower, after the forms of the RC Church at Muirkirk.[399]
Ann Pendergraist, aged 7 months, illegitimate daughter of Elizabeth McLeary, MS Pendergraist, died in Kirkgreen, Muirkirk, Ayrshire, of infantile convulsions, on 7 March 1880. The informant was Dominic McLeary, step-father.[400] The denomination, step-father, strongly suggests that although Dominic McLeary and Elizabeth Prendergast married within months of the birth of Annie Pindergrass, Dominic McLeary was not Annie Pindergrass’s father.
In 1881, Elizabeth McLearie, 25, born Maybole, is noted, with her husband, Dominic McLearie, 30, Iron Puddler, born Ireland, and Dominic McLearie’s children, Annie, aged 9, born Mossend, Lanarkshire, and John, 2 months, born Muirkirk, in Muirkirk, Ayrshire.[401] (Annie McLearie was the daughter of Dominic McLearie and his first wife, Margaret Murray. She was born 2 February 1872 in Bothwell, Lanarkshire.[402])
In 1891 Dominic McCleary, 38, born Ireland, and Elizabeth McLeary, 33, born Maybole, are noted in Muirkirk. With them are their children, John, 10; Thomas, 8; Patrick, 6; and Peter, 1, all born Muirkirk.[403]
On 3 July 1894, Dominic McLearie, aged 41, married to Elizabeth Plendergast, died of Cardiac Disease, in Ayr District Asylum (Domicile, Muirkirk).[404]
In 1901, Elizabeth McLearie remains, with her sons, in Muirkirk after her husband’s death: her age however is erroneously given as 37 and her place of birth as Muirkirk. The sons’ details however all coincide with the 1891 data and it is therefore assumed to be the same Elizabeth McLearie.[405]
Bernard Ferns married Elizabeth Ferns (sic), Widow, aged 40 (an understatement), daughter of Thomas Pendergraist and Maria Pendergraist MS Martin, after the Forms of the Roman Catholic Church in Muirkirk, Ayrshire, on 4 October 1902.[406]
In 1911, Eliza Ferns, 52 (another understatement), born Maybole, is residing with Bernard Ferns, 42, Labourer, born Coatbridge, and his two sons, in 34 Whittington Street, Coatbridge.[407] The 1911 census also notes, Peter McLeary, 21, Puddler, born Muirkirk, and his wife, Lizzie, residing in the same common stair as Bernard Ferns and Eliza Ferns. Peter McLeary, is the youngest son of Elizabeth Prendergast and Dominic McLeary.
On 27 February 1931, Elizabeth Ferns, Married to (1st) Dominic McLeary, Puddler; (2nd) Bernard Ferns, Iron Sawyer, died of Senile Degeneration, 27 February 1931 in Whittingham Street, Coatbridge, aged 74. She is noted as the daughter of Thomas Prendergast and Maria Prendergast MS Martin. The informant was P McLeary, son.[408]
It is noteworthy that:
- Elizabeth Prendergast was employed as a farm servant but is noted, after the birth of her daughter, at the time of her marriage as a domestic servant.
- Elizabeth Prendergast was born in Maybole. She resided in a series of Ayrshire communities including Kirkmichael, Dalmellington, Kilmaurs and Muirkirk. After her marriage she resided in Mossend, Lanarkshire, and latterly returned to Muirkirk in Ayrshire. These peregrinations fit a pattern among coal miners, such as her father and husband. After her second marriage she appears to have resided in Coatbridge.
- No trace has been found of any other illegitimate births among the Prendergast family.
- Elizabeth Prendergast was 22 when she gave birth to her illegitimate daughter. She was 23 when she married.
- Elizabeth Prendergast signed her daughter’s birth register with her mark, indicating that she was illiterate.
- Elizabeth Prendergast was a Roman Catholic.
- Elizabeth Prendergast did not pursue a paternity suit against the father of her illegitimate daughter.
- Elizabeth Prendergast appears to have had children only with the father of Annie Prendergast and with her husband, Dominic McLearie. She and Dominic Mcleary had at least four children.
- Her daughter was known only as Annie Prendergast.
- Major confusions arose in the research of this case as a result of the many variations applied in the spelling of Prendergast. In the above narrative the spelling variant used in each document is applied to the description of the contents of that document. The original birth and baptismal records of Elizabeth Prendergast spell the name thus but the birth certificate of her daughter, which was signed, uses the Pindergrass spelling.
b Ann Duncan and Elizabeth Roswier: an illegitimate birth in Kilmaurs acknowledged by the already-married father
Ann Duncan, daughter of Robert Duncan and Marjory Mitchell Duncan MS Anderson, was born on 27 April 1856 in Kilmaurs.[409]
In 1861, Anne Duncan, aged 4, born Kilmaurs, is noted residing in the Pointsman’s House, Kilmaurs, with her parents, Robert Duncan, 43, Railway Pointsman, born, Craigie, and Marjory Duncan, 37, born Craigie; plus her siblings, Margaret, 12, born Tarbolton; Jessie, 9, born Kilmarnock; and Jean, 7,and Robert, 1¾, both born Darvel.
Annie Duncan is noted in 1871, aged 16, Unmarried, No Occupation Given, born Kilmaurs, residing with her parents, Robert Duncan, and Margery Mitchell Duncan, at Points House (i.e. a railway pointsman’s house), Kilmaurs. Also residing there are Annie’s siblings, Robert, Margery, Agnes and John.[410]
Annie Duncan is noted in 1881, aged 23, Unmarried, Dressmaker, born Kilmaurs, residing in Crosshouse Station Cottage, Kilmaurs, with her parents, Robert Duncan and Margery Duncan. Also residing there are Annie’s siblings, Robert, Margery and John, plus a grandson of Robert Duncan senior, William Duncan, 6, born Edinburgh.[411] (William Duncan is almost certainly the son of Robert Duncan’s daughter Jean or Jane. The only William Duncan, born in Edinburgh on a date which would have made him 6 at the time of the census and to a parent with the name of one of Robert Duncan’s children, was William Duncan, illegitimate, born 21 July 1874,at the Royal Maternity Hospital, to Jane Duncan, Domestic Servant, 44 Castle Street, Edinburgh.[412])
Elizabeth McGinness Hopkins Roseweir was born on 20 March 1882, at Gatehead, Kilmaurs, the illegitimate daughter of Ann Duncan, Farm servant, and Robert Roseweir, Railway Signalman, residing at Dean Street, Kilmarnock. He co-signed the birth certificate, thus acknowledging his paternity of the child. The certificate was co-signed, on the mother’s behalf, by Robert Duncan, the child’s grandfather[413]
Robert Roseweir is noted on the 1881 census as 21, Railway Pointsman, born Kilmarnock, residing with his mother, Mary Roseweir, at 68 Fore Street, Kilmarnock.[414]
He is noted on the 1891 census as Robert Roseweir, 32, Railway Signalman, born in Ayrshire, residing in Back Street, Kilmarnock, with his wife and four children.[415]
He is noted on the 1901 census as Robt Roseweir, 42, Railway Signalman, born Kilmarnock, residing in Robertson Place, Kilmarnock, with his wife Janet and seven children.[416]
Robert Roseweir was already married at the time of the birth of his illegitimate daughter. Robert Roseweir, 22, Pointsman, residing in Kilmarnock, son of James Roseweir and Mary Roseweir MS Baird, married Janet Hopkins on 2 December 1881 in Irvine.[417] The puzzling element here is that the illegitimate child he fathered by Ann Duncan was given the middle name Hopkins, the maiden surname of his wife.
In 1883, Elizabeth McGuiness Hopkins Roswier, illegitimate daughter of Annie Duncan and Robert Roseweir, died in at 68 Fore Street, Kilmarnock (Robert Rosewier’s 1881 address), Usual Residence 12 Langlands Street, Kilmarnock. The informant was her father, Robert Rosewier, Railway Pointsman, and her mother is noted as Annie Duncan, daughter of a Railway Pointsman.[418]
Ann Duncan, Housekeeper, died of Heart Disease, aged 29, daughter of Robert Duncan and Marjory Duncan MS Anderson, on 7 December 1885, at 498 St Andrews Street, Kilmarnock. The informant was her brother, Robert Duncan.[419]
John Woodburn was born 16 July 1890 in Kilmaurs.[420] He was the son of George Woodburn and Agnes Woodburn MS Duncan, who had married a fortnight earlier, on 1 July 1890.[421] Agnes Duncan was the sister of Ann Duncan.
It is noteworthy that:
- Ann Duncan was a dressmaker but, at the time of the birth of her child, she was employed as a farm servant.
- Ann Duncan was born in Kilmaurs and raised there with her family.
- There is a child, who is almost certainly the illegitimate son of her sister Jean, residing with Ann Duncan’s parents in 1881. Ann Duncan’s sister, Agnes Duncan, later conceived a child prior to her marriage. There is therefore a discernible pattern of illegitimacy/ pre-nuptial conception in her immediate family.
- Ann Duncan was 25 when she gave birth to her illegitimate daughter.
- It is uncertain whether Ann Duncan was literate.
- There is no record which categorically links her to any particular church or religion.
- There was no requirement on Ann Duncan’s part to pursue a paternity suit as Robert Roseweir, the child’s father, acknowledged his paternity.
- Robert Roseweir was a Railway Pointsman, the same occupation as Ann Duncan’s father.
- There is no evidence of her having had any children other than her illegitimate daughter, Elizabeth McGuiness Hopkins Roswier.
- Ann Duncan never married.
- She died three years after the birth, and two years after the death, of her daughter.
- This case shows some particularly unusual aspects inasmuch as
- The father, who acknowledged his paternity, was already married
- The child was given as a middle name the maiden surname of the father’s wife
- The child died in the father’s home.
- Some confusion is caused by the Roseweir/Rosewier surname variations.
c Agnes McDowall and Elizabeth Nairn: an illegitimate birth in Kilmaurs, legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the parents
Agnes McDowall was born in Dundonald, Ayrshire, on 19 November 1872. Her parents were George McDowall and Elizabeth McLeod.[422]
Agnes McDowall is noted in 1881as 8, born Dundonald, Scholar, residing in Main Street, Kilmaurs, with her parents and older siblings. Her father is then noted as a Tea Dealer.[423]
Agnes McDowall is noted in 1891 as 18, born Dundonald, Unmarried, Boot Top Machinist, residing in Main Street, Kilmaurs (subsequent place of birth of child), with her parents, her father noted as Thatcher.[424]
Elizabeth McLeod Nairn was born on 21 November 1891 in Kilmaurs. She was the illegitimate daughter of Agnes McDowall, Boot and Shoe Machinist, and Joseph Nairn, Tailor, both of whom signed the register.[425]
Agnes McDowall and Joseph Nairn married subsequently, six days after the birth of the child, after the Forms of the Free Church of Scotland, in Kilmaurs, 27 November 1891: both residing in Kilmaurs, she, 19, Boot & Shoe Machinist, daughter of George McDowall, Thatcher and General Labourer, & Elizabeth McDowall MS McLeod; he, Joseph Nairn, 19, Tailor, son of Joseph Nairn, Master Tailor and Clothier, and Elizabeth McCall. Their daughter, Elizabeth Nairn, was therefore de facto legitimated by the subsequent marriage of her parents but there is no RCE on the birth certificate indicating that such legitimation was noted on the register.[426]
In 1895, Joseph Nairn, Tailor is noted as Tenant of two neighbouring houses on the East Side of Darvel.[427]
In 1901, Joseph and Agnes Nairn are noted residing in Stirling Road, Glasgow. He is noted as a Tailor, 28, born in Kilmaurs; she as 28, born in Dundonald; their children are noted as Elizabeth, 9, Scholar, born Kilmaurs; Catherine, 7, Scholar, born Kilmaurs; Annie, 3, born Glasgow; Jessie, 1, born Glasgow.[428]
In 1911, Joseph and Agnes Nairn are noted residing 20 Boyd Street, Kilmarnock, with their children, Elizabeth, 19, Catherine, 17, (both born Kilmaurs);Jessie, 11, born Springburn; and Joseph, 7, and George, 5, both born Kilmaurs.[429]
Agnes Nairn, married to Joseph Nairn, aged 41, died of Acute Rheumatism and Valvular Disease of the Heart, on 21 August 1913, in Fenwick Road, Kilmaurs. The informant was her husband, Joseph Nairn.[430]
It is noteworthy that:
- Agnes McDowall was employed as a Boot and Shoe Machinist.
- Agnes McDowall was born in Dundonald, Ayrshire, in 1872, but she and her family had moved to Kilmaurs by 1881. She was residing in Kilmaurs in 1891, at the time of the birth of her illegitimate child and of her subsequent marriage, and likely remained there until at least 1895. She and her husband and family were residing in Glasgow in 1901 and in Kilmarnock in 1911. They had returned to Kilmaurs by the time of her death in 1913.
- No trace has been found of any other illegitimate births among the McDowall family.
- Agnes McDowall was 19 when she gave birth to her illegitimate daughter and 19 when, a few days later, she married the father of her daughter.
- Agnes McDowall was literate.
- Agnes McDowall married after the forms of the Free Church of Scotland. This is the only indication found of any religious affiliation.
- Agnes McDowall did not pursue a paternity suit in respect of the father of her illegitimate child. He married her within a fortnight of the child’s birth. The child was legitimated de facto by the subsequent marriage of its parents, although there is no RCE noting the recording of such legitimation.
- Joseph Nairn, the father of her illegitimate child and her subsequent husband, was a tailor.
- Agnes McDowall had no children except to Joseph Nairn.
- Once married Agnes McDowall raised a large family, at least seven children, with her husband.
d Mary Templeton and Alexander Templeton: an illegitimate birth in Kilmaurs in which a paternity suit was pursued
Mary Muir Templeton was born in Kilmaurs on 18 July 1859, the daughter of James Templeton, Coal Miner, and Margaret Templeton, MS Gilmour.[431] She had a twin brother, James.
Mary Templeton, aged 1, born Kilmaurs, is noted in 1861, residing with her parents, James Templeton, 30, born Kilmarnock, and Margaret Templeton, 25, born Kilmarnock, plus her siblings, William, 5, Alexander, 3, and James, 1, in New Row, Kilmaurs.[432]
In 1871, Mary Templeton, 11, is residing with her parents, James Templeton, 41, Coal Miner, born Kilmarnock, and Margaret Templeton, 35, at Low Row, Kilmaurs: also residing there are Mary’s siblings, William, 15; Alexander, 14; James, 11; Elizabeth, 9; Andrew, 7; John, 4; Margaret, 2, all born in Kilmaurs. William, James, Andrew, John and Margaret, correspond to the children of these names noted on the 1881 census.
In 1881, James Templeton, 53, and Margaret Templeton, 45, were residing in Laurieland Row, Crosshouse, Kilmaurs.[433] At that point they also had residing with them their children: William, 25, Coal Miner, born Kilmaurs; James, 21, Coal Miner, born Kilmaurs; Andrew, 16, Coal Miner, born Kilmaurs; John, 14, Scholar, born Kilmaurs; Margaret, 12, Scholar, born Kilmaurs; Robert, 10, Scholar, born Kilmaurs; and Daniel, 8, Scholar, born Kilmaurs.
In 1881, Mary Templeton, 21, born Kilmaurs, is noted as a General Servant (Domestic) to the Rev William Gebbie, Minister of Dunlop Parish, in the Manse, Dunlop.[434]
In 1881, Henry McCartney, (of whom more anon), aged 26, Unmarried, Ironminer, born Dalry, is noted , residing with his father and brother in Westend, Dalry.[435]
John Northcote, (again of whom more anon), 18, Miner, is noted in 1881 residing with his step-father, Stephen Hicks, and with Susan Hicks, in Thornton Row, Kilmaurs.[436]
On 18 October 1882, Alexander Templeton, illegitimate son of Mary Templeton, General Servant, was born in Laurieland Row, Crosshouse, Kilmaurs. [437]
On 1 February 1884, Mary Templeton, 24, General Servant (Domestic), the daughter of James Templeton and Margaret Templeton MS Gilmour married John Northcote, 21, Ironminer, son of the deceased Richard Northcote and of Susan Northcote MS Millar, after the Forms of the established Church of Scotland.[438]
In 1884 Mary Templeton pursued a paternity suit in respect of her son, Alexander Templeton. Alexander Templeton’s 1882 birth certificate carries an attached RCE.[439] ‘In an action relating to the paternity of a child named Alexander Templeton, born October 18th 1882, at the instance of Mary Templeton or Northcote, wife of John Northcote, Collier, Thornton Row, Kilmaurs, against Henry McCartney, Roadman or Miner, Dalry, the Sheriff Substitute … found that the said child was the illegitimate child of the said Mary Templeton and Henry McCartney.’ The RCE is dated 31 October 1884, i.e. two years after the birth occurred. The paternity suit against Henry McCartney was therefore pursued after Mary Templeton married John Northcott and two years after the birth of her child to Henry McCartney.
Richard Northcote, born in Thornton Row, Kilmaurs, 25 December 1884, is the son of John Northcote and Mary Northcote MS Templeton, whom, the birth certificate confirms, were married in Kilmaurs on 1 February 1884.[440]
In 1891, Alexander Templeton, aged 8, Scholar, is noted residing with his supposed parents, James Templeton, aged 64, Coal Miner, and Margaret Templeton, 56, both born in Kilmarnock, in Laurieland Row, Crosshouse, Kilmaurs.[441] The ages of James and Margaret Templeton suggest it is unlikely that they are the parents of Alexander Templeton. Also residing with James and Margaret Templeton are their son, Robert Templeton, 20, Coal Miner, born Kilmaurs; and their daughter, Margaret, 22, born Kilmaurs. Seeking Robert Templeton born Kilmaurs, 1869-1873, the son of James Templeton and Margaret (surname unknown), the IGI gives Robert Templeton, born 25 January 1872, son of James Templeton and Margaret Gilmour. Seeking Margaret Templeton, born Kilmaurs, 1867-1871, daughter of James Templeton and Margaret (surname unknown), the IGI gives Margaret Gilmour Templeton, born 31 October 1868, daughter of James Templeton and Margaret Gilmour.[442] The IGI gives the children of James Templeton and Margaret Gilmour as:
- William Templeton, born 17 April 1855, Kilmaurs
- Alexander Templeton, born 29 November 1856, Kilmaurs
- James Rutherford Wallace Templeton, born 31 July 1859, Kilmaurs
- Mary Muir Templeton, born 31 July 1859, Kilmaurs (mother of the illegitimate Alexander Templeton, noted above, residing with James Templeton and Margaret Templeton MS Gilmour)
- Elizabeth Wallace Templeton, born 25 November 1861, Kilmaurs
- Andrew Templeton, born 13 August 1864, Kilmaurs
- John Gilmour Templeton, born 1 October 1866, Kilmaurs
- Margaret Gilmour Templeton, born 31 October 1868, Kilmaurs (noted above, residing with, and daughter of, James Templeton and Margaret Templeton MS Gilmour)
- Robert Templeton, born 25 January 1872, Kilmaurs (noted above, residing with, and son of, James Templeton and Margaret Templeton MS Gilmour)
- Alexander Gilmour Templeton, born 25 April 1874, Kilmaurs.
In 1891, John Northcote remains in Thornton Row, Kilmaurs: John Northcott, 28, a Miner, married to Mary Northcott, 31, born Kilmaurs (i.e. Mary Templeton), and their children, Richard, 6, Maggie, 4, and James, 1, all born in Kilmaurs.[443]
In 1901, John Northcott, 38, Coal Miner, born England, is residing with his wife, Mary Northcott, 41, born Kilmaurs, in 6 Warwickhill Rows, Dreghorn, Ayrshire.[444] With them are their seven children.
To return however, to the 8 year old Alexander Templeton, born in Kilmaurs, and noted as the son of, and residing with, James Templeton and Margaret Templeton: it is necessary to eliminate the possibility of his being anyone other than the son of Mary Templeton. Only two Alexander Templetons were born in Kilmaurs between 1881 and 1885. One was the already noted illegitimate son of Mary Templeton, and therefore the grandchild of James and Margaret Templeton. The other, Alexander Steel Templeton, was born 8 May 1883, the son of William Templeton and Agnes Templeton MS Steel.[445] Alexr Templeton, aged 7, born Kilmaurs, and his parents Wm and Agnes Templeton, are noted in 1891 in Dalry.[446] The Alexander Templeton residing with James and Margaret Templeton therefore is almost certainly their grandson and neither their son nor any other Alexander Templeton.
In 1901, we find the Alexander Templeton who was residing in 1891 with his grandparents but was noted as their son, still with his grandmother, Margaret Templeton, 67, born Kilmarnock, now a widow, but now noted as Alex T McCourtney, 18, Coal Miner, born Kilmaurs.[447] They are residing in 8 Warwickhill Rows, Dreghorn, the next-door house to Alexander Templeton/ McCartney’s mother.
Mary Muir Northcote, widow of John Northcote, daughter of James Templeton and Margaret Gilmour, died, aged 83, in Irvine on 13 November 1942. The informant was her son, Richard Northcote.[448]
It is noteworthy that:
- Mary Templeton was employed as a domestic servant in various venues prior to her marriage.
- Mary Templeton was born and raised in Kilmaurs. She was working and residing in Dunlop (five miles from Kilmaurs) in 1881. By 1882 she had returned to Kilmaurs where she bore her illegitimate child, subsequently married and bore her children to her husband. By 1901 she and her husband moved Dreghorn which is some five miles from Kilmaurs village but closer to Crosshouse. Her mother and her illegitimate son also moved to Dreghorn, residing in the house adjacent to Mary and her family.
- Mary Templeton’s illegitimate child was raised by his grandparents and, at least for purposes such as census registration, was noted by them as their son rather than their grandson.
- Although there were fourteen illegitimate births in Kilmaurs over the period under investigation in which one of the parents bears the surname Templeton, none of them appear to be siblings of Mary Templeton. There is no apparent pattern of illegitimacy within her immediate family.
- Mary Templeton was 23 when she gave birth to her illegitimate son. She was 24 when she married John Northcott, who was not the father of her illegitimate child.
- Mary Templeton appears to have been literate, signing her son’s birth certificate and her marriage certificate.
- Mary Templeton married after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland, the only traced record of any religious affiliation.
- A paternity suit was pursued but not in the immediate aftermath of the birth but two years later, after Mary Templeton had married another man.
- Mary Templeton was from a mining family, conceived her illegitimate child with a miner and subsequently married another miner.
- Mary Templeton had one illegitimate child by Henry McCartney. Once married Mary Templeton raised a large family of at least seven children with her husband, John Northcott.
- Mary Templeton’s illegitimate son is noted throughout his childhood as Alexander Templeton but by 1901 he was known by his paternal surname, McCartney.
- As already noted, Mary Templeton’s illegitimate son was raised by his grandparents and noted on at least one census return as their son.
e Elizabeth English and John Mitchell: a legitimate birth conceived before marriage (but after an earlier illegitimate birth)
Elizabeth English, daughter of Hance English, Surfaceman, and Elizabeth English MS Boyd, was born 30 August 1869, in Riccarton.[449]
In 1871, Elizabeth English, aged 1, born Riccarton, is noted, residing Crompton Street, Riccarton, with her parents, Hance English, 40, Road Surfaceman, born Ireland, and Elizabeth English, 39, born Ayr. There are also residing in the house her siblings, Martha, 15, Thomas, 13, Robert, 8, David, 6 and Francis, 3.[450]
In 1881, Elizabeth English, aged 12, Domestic Servant, born Riccarton, is noted, residing in Kilmarnock with her employer.[451] Her parents, meantime, are in Dundonald.[452]
On 7 May 1887, Elizabeth English, Domestic Servant at Lornhill Toll, Hurlford, gave birth to an illegitimate daughter, Martha English. She was the sole informant on the register, which she signed as Elizabeth English. There is no RCE indicating a paternity suit.[453]
In 1891, Elizabeth Inglis, 21, General Servant, born Riccarton, is noted residing at Rusha Farm, Kilmarnock, the home of her employer.[454] Her parents remain in Dundonald. On the same census, Martha English, 4, (for whom there is no death certificate 1887-1891 and who is the only Martha English on the Scottish census of the appropriate age), is noted as born in Galston and the niece of the householder, Jane Aird or Frew, 75, born Dundonald, residing at Gatehead, Kilmaurs. Also in the house are Jane Frew, 43, Letter Carrier, born Ayr, daughter of the elder Jane Frew; and Matthew Frew, 17, Railway Porter, born West Kilbride and noted as nephew of the householder.[455] The exact identity of Matthew Frew is unclear. No one of that name was born in Ayrshire between 1872 and 1877. The only Matthew Frew born in Scotland within that timescale, in Old Monkland, appears on the 1891 census with his parents in Coatbridge. It is practically impossible for Martha English to be the niece of Jane Frew, aged 75. The nature of the family relationship between Martha English and the Frew family with whom she was residing is therefore uncertain.
Robert Mitchell and Elizabeth Inglis married in Loudoun on 12 October 1892 after the forms of the Established Church of Scotland; both were residing in Loudoun, she, 22, farm servant, daughter of James Inglis, stone breaker, and Elizabeth Inglis MS Boyd.[456]
John Mitchell was born at Knockentiber, Kilmaurs, on 28 October 1892, a fortnight after his parents’ marriage, the son of Robert Mitchell, Colliery Pitheadsman, and Elizabeth Mitchell MS Inglis.[457]
In 1901, John Mitchell, aged 8, Scholar, born Kilmaurs, is noted residing at Lowerlands Farm, Irvine, Ayrshire, with his parents, Robert Mitchell, 27, Ploughman, born Kilmaurs, and Elizabeth Mitchell, 30, born Riccarton. Also residing there are: Martha Mitchell, 13, Scholar, born Kilmaurs (i.e Martha English, Elizabeth’s illegitimate daughter); Elizabeth Mitchell, 6, Scholar, born Kilmarnock; Robert Mitchell, 4, born Irvine; William Mitchell, 2, born Irvine; Jane Mitchell, 1, born Irvine; all children of Robert Mitchell.[458]
In 1911, Robert Mitchell, 38, and Elizabeth Mitchell, 40, born Riccarton, are noted at Towerland, Farm Cottage, Irvine, with their children, Robert, 14, William, 12, Jessie, 11, Thomas, 9, and Alexander, 7. There is also with them their grand-daughter, Elizabeth English, aged 8, born Irvine.[459] There is no Elizabeth English born in Irvine around 1902/03, but there is an Elizabeth Stewart McDougall, illegitimate daughter of John Lightbody McDougall and Jeannie Mitchell, born 25 March 1901, in Irvine.[460]
Elizabeth Mitchell, aged 73, married to Robert Mitchell, agricultural worker, daughter of Hance English and Elizabeth English MS Boyd, died in Irvine on 6 April 1943. The informant was her son, Thomas Mitchell.[461]
It is noteworthy that:
- Elizabeth Inglis or English was employed from at least the age of 12 as a domestic servant. By the time of her marriage she is noted as a farm servant.
- She was born in Riccarton 1869 and remained there until at least 1871. In both 1881 and 1891 she was living and working in Kilmarnock.
- She was not living with her parents in 1881 (aged 12), nor in 1891.
- No trace has been found of any of Elizabeth English’s siblings bearing illegitimate children. No evidence has therefore been found of any proclivity to illegitimacy in the family. Her daughter, Jeannie, did however have an illegitimate child.
- Elizabeth English was 17 when she gave birth to her illegitimate daughter. She was 23 when she married Robert Mitchell and when she gave birth to his (legitimate but conceived prior to marriage) child.
- Elizabeth English appears to have been literate, having signed her daughter’s birth certificate.
- Elizabeth English married after the forms of the Church of Scotland.
- The identity of the father of her first child is not known. She did not pursue a paternity suit against the father.
- Elizabeth English’s second child was born 16 days after her marriage and was therefore conceived some eight months prior to it.
- Elizabeth English appears to have had children by two men, the father of Martha English and her husband, Robert Mitchell. Once married she raised a large family with her husband with whom she had at least seven children.
- Her husband appears to have been an agricultural worker throughout his life.
- Her illegitimate daughter, Martha English, was initially known as such but is noted in 1901 as Martha Mitchell, i.e. she was using her step-father’s name. She was in the care of the Frew family in 1891.
- There is no record of Elizabeth English having recorded any inaccurate information but there is some dubiety over the registration of her daughter on the 1891 census. There is also some confusion created by the English/ Inglis surname variation.
5 Case Studies: Conclusions
In reviewing these twenty-one case studies, patterns emerge. Caution is required as these case-studies cannot be deemed representative. Nonetheless they give some indicators of key issues.
In respect of the employment patterns of women who either bore illegitimate children or who conceived children prior to marriage, the case studies indicate that:
- Nine out of the twenty-one women were employed , either before or at the time of their marriage, in industrial settings, mainly in the textile industry but also, in one case in Kilmaurs, in a boot and shoe manufacturing factory, seven of these in Brechin and Darvel
- Four out of the twenty-one women were employed, either before or at the time of their marriage, in agriculture.
The data presented in the following chapters denominate women’s employment at the date of their birth of their child or, if the child was born after marriage, at the date of their marriage. It is noteworthy however, that five out of the nineteen women in these case studies moved from one employment field to another. Annie Bears, for example, was noted as a textile worker and as a domestic worker; Ann Duncan, in Brechin, as a textile worker and as an agricultural worker; and Elizabeth Prendergast as an agricultural worker and a domestic worker. It appears likely that women who held permanent jobs may have reverted to agricultural work once pregnant. Similarly, the term ‘domestic work’ appeared to cover a multitude of realities including employment as a cook, housemaid or children’s nurse but also including working (not formally employed) within the family home. Again therefore, this was an option to which the pregnant woman, or indeed the mother of a child, might revert.
Perhaps more interesting in terms of trends is that among the case studies:
- Seven of the twenty-one, Mary Scott, Annie Bears, Ann Stewart and Elizabeth Watson, all in Brechin, and Ann Crabb and Helen Webster, in Edzell, were mothers of more than one child conceived outwith wedlock, all of them in Forfarshire, and Flora Murchie in Darvel was the mother of one illegitimate child and one other child conceived prior to marriage.
- Six of the twenty-one, Mary Scott, Annie Bears and Ann Duncan (Brechin), all in Brechin, Ann Crabb (Edzell) and Janet Dykes (Darvel) and Ann Duncan (Kilmaurs) were from families with an identified pattern conceiving children outwith wedlock.
- Five of the seven Forfarshire illegitimate births, to Mary Scott and Annie Bears, and possibly to a third, Ann Stewart, all in Brechin, and to Ann Crabb and Helen Webster, in Edzell, were conceived outwith wedlock to at least two different men; and in the case of Elizabeth English in Kilmaurs her illegitimate daughter and the child she conceived prior to marriage were to two different men.
The trends, in the case studies, as they relate to the propensity to marriage of women who have conceived children outside wedlock is also of some interest. Obviously in the four cases of legitimate births conceived outwith marriage the women all married. That leaves seventeen case studies in which the outcomes may be assessed separately.
| MARITAL OUTCOMES FOR WOMEN IN CASE-STUDIES | |||
| Married father of child | Married other | Did not marry | |
| Brechin | 1 | 0 | 4 |
| Edzell | 1 | 2 | 1 |
| Darvel | 2 | 2 | 0 |
| Kilmaurs | 1 | 2 | 1 |
Such a sample is not representative. It suggests however that the least pressure to marry in the aftermath of a pregnancy conceived outwith marriage was in Brechin and the greatest pressure to marry in these circumstances was in Darvel.
[i] All 1871, 1881 and 1891 marriages in the four communities were analysed, brides’ ages extracted and mean ages calculated.
[ii] This was again extracted from the analysis of unmarried women in the census returns.
[iii] Data extracted from RCEs supplemented by census returns.
[iv] See Appendices 1a and 1b.
[v] There is a seemingly illogical statistic presented in the above table, with its indication that no unmarried women were employed in the non-industrial manufacturing sector but that 1% of all illegitimate births in Brechin were to women in non-industrial employment. Less than 0.5% of unmarried women are noted thus on the census returns. This appears, to the nearest whole number as 0%. Actual births to mothers in this category, all handloom weavers, are overwhelmingly between 1869 and 1871. That small proportion can be seen as being among the last of the handloom weavers.
[vi] See Appendices 2a and 2d.
[vii] See Appendix 4a.
[viii] See Appendix 4b.
[ix] See Appendix 4e.
[x] See Appendix 4c.
[xi] See Appendix 4d.
[xii] Elements of this chapter appeared in article written by the researcher and published in 2011.
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[2] Registrar General for Scotland. (1861) First Annual Report of the Registrar General of Scotland. Online Historical Population Reports: http://www.histpop.org/ : accessed 13 November 2014.
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[4] Strachan, John M. (1870) Immorality of Scotland. The Scotsman. 20 May. p. 6b.
[5] Registrar General. (1870) Fifteenth detailed annual report of registrar-general of births, deaths and marriages, Scotland. p.xi. Online Historical Information Reports. http://www.histpop.org/ : accessed 1 February 2016.
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[20] Smout, T. C. (1997) A Century of the Scottish People, 1830-1950. London: Fontana. p.171.
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[25] Woitzack, Helena. (2009) British Women’s Emancipation Since the Reformation. History of Women. http://www.historyofwomen.org/illegitimate.html : accessed 19 November 2014
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[27] Blaikie, Andrew. (1998) Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XXIX:2 (Autumn, 1998). Scottish Illegitimacy: Social Adjustment or Moral Economy? P.223.
[28] Blaikie, Andrew. (1998) Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XXIX:2 (Autumn, 1998). Scottish Illegitimacy: Social Adjustment or Moral Economy? P.241.
[29] Blaikie, Andrew. (1998) Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XXIX:2 (Autumn, 1998). Scottish Illegitimacy: Social Adjustment or Moral Economy? P. 224.
[30] Blaikie, Andrew, Garrett, Eilidh, and Davies, Ros. (2005) ‘Migration, Living Strategies and Illegitimate Childbearing: A Comparison of Two Scottish Settings, 1871-1881’, in Levene, Alysa, Nutt, Thomas and Williams, Samantha. Illegitimacy in Britain, 1700-1920. Palgrave MacMillan; Basingstoke. p.148.
[31] Paddock, Rory John. (1989) Aspects of Illegitimacy in Dumfriesshire. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Edinburgh. P.22.
[32] Strachan, John M. (1870) Immorality of Scotland. The Scotsman. 20 May. p. 6b.
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[223] Baptisms. (OPR) Scotland. Angus. Lethnot. 4 February 1834. STEWART, Ann. 300/000 0020.
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[228] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 15 September 1865. MATHERS, John Bowman Stewart. 275/00 0066.
[229] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 24 O ctober 1868. STEWART (or MATHERS), Elizabeth Ann. 275/00 0082.
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[232] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 16 March 1880. STEWART or MATHERS, Bella. 275/00 0026.
[233] Census. 1881. Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 275/00 001 00/2 013.
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[238] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 17 April 1856. MITCHELL, Jessie. 285/00 0011.
[239] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 9 June 1865. MITCHELL, Jessie. 285/00 0007.
[240] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 3 June 1870. MITCHELL, George and MIDDLETON, Elizabeth. 275/00 0014.
[241] Census. 1871. Scotland. Angus. Kirkden. 298/00 003/00 026.
[242] Census. 1871. Scotland. Angus. Kirkden. 298/00 003/00 026.
[243] Census. 1871. Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 275/00 005/00 010
[244] Census. 1871. Scotland. Aberdeen. Old Machar. 168/02 012/00 024.
[245] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 31 May 1880. MITCHELL, Howard Lindsay. 285/00 0005.
[246] Census. 1881. Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 285/00 003/00 003.
[247] Census. 1881. Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 282/5 0003.
[248] Census. 1881. Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 282/5 00/008
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[254] Dundee Courier. (1883) Dundee Police Court. The Dundee Courier and Argus. 14 September 1883. p.4h.
[255] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 16 October 1889. PHIN, George Nicoll and MITCHELL, Fanny. 282/05 0107.
[256] Census. 1891. Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 282/1 0015.
[257] Census. 1901. Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 282/01 00/028.
[258] Census. 1911. Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 282/05 003/00 001.
[259] Valuation Roll. 1915. Scotland. Angus. Dundee. Page 134.
[260] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Dundee. 23 May 1919. PHIN, Frances. 282/03 0155.
[261] Baptisms. (OPR) Scotland. Angus. Lochlee. 16 October 1833. WEBSTER, Helen. 303/00 0030 0017.
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[264] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Lochlee. 11 February 1861. WEBSTER, Alexander. 303/00 0001.
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[267] Register of Corrected Entries. Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 14 January 1865. WEBSTER, Helen.
[268] Census. (1871) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 285/00 002 000/2 014.
[269] Census. (1881) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 285/00 002 000/2 013.
[270] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 23 June 1888. SMITH, James, and CLUNESS, Ann. 275/00 0015.
[271] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 1 February 1895. SMITH, James. 285/00 0002.
[272] Probate Records. Scotland. 12 March 1895. SMITH, James. Inventory of Personal Estate. Forfar Sheriff Court. SC47/40/63.
[273] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 2 May 1867. WEBSTER, James. 285/00 0005.
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[275] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 5 June 1870. WEBSTER, John. 285/00 0006.
[276] Census. (1871) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 285/00 0002.
[277] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 2 December 1879. SMITH, Helen. 285/00 0006.
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[280] Dundee Courier. (1893) Brechin J.P. Small Debt Court. The Dundee Courier. 8 June 1893. p.3i. http://search.findmypast.co.uk/bna/viewarticle?id=bl%2f0000162%2f18930608%2f057 : accessed 21 March 2016.
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[283] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 1 December 1905. WEBSTER, Helen. 285/00 0009.
[284] Baptisms. (PR) England. Lancashire. Manchester. Christ Church, Moss-side. 24 April 1861. TOMLINSON, Florence Jane. Lancashire, England. Church of England Births and Baptisms, 1813-1911. Bishop’s Transcripts, Manchester, 1860-1869. http://interactive.ancestry.co.uk : accessed 30 January 2016.
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[289] Births (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 14 April 1882. DANN, Cyril Tom Cameron. 285/00 0007.
[290] Marriages (CR) Scotland. Angus. Forfar. 12 April 1882. DANN, Thomas, and TOMLINSON, Florence. 288/00 0027.
[291] Births (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 22 March 1882. DANN, Cyril Tom Cameron. 285/00 0004.
[292] Deaths (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 18 September 1882. DANN, Cyril Thom Cameron. 275/00 0136.
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[306] Births. (CR) Scotland. Edzell. Angus. 8 February 1876. CRABB, Elizabeth Ann. 285/00 0002.
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[312] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Brechin. Angus. 9 December 1895. WALKER, George, and CRABB, Mary Ann. 275/00 0063.
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[314] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Brechin. 4 July 1921. WALKER, Ann. 275/00 0057.
[315] Baptisms. (OPR) Scotland. Kincardineshire. Fordoun. 12 March 1848. STRACHAN, Jean.
[316] Census. (1851) Scotland. Kincardineshire. Fordoun. 259/00 006. 001.
[317] Census. (1861) Scotland. Kincardineshire. Fordoun. 259/00 007 003.
[318] Census. (1871) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 285/00 003 010.
[319] Births. (CR) Scotland. Kincardineshire. Benholm. 13 October 1865. STRACHAN, Alexander. 253/00 0012.
[320] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 1 June 1882. FYFE, Ewan, and STRACHAN, Jane. 285/00 0001.
[321] Births. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 5 January 1893. FYFFE, James. 285/00 0001.
[322] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 20 February 1884. FYFFE, James. 285/00 0002.
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[325] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Angus. Edzell. 1 April 1909. STRACHAN, Jane. 285/00 0002.
[326] Marriages. (OPR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 26 February 1853. BELL, Robert, and LAWSON, Mary Dalziel Rogerson. 603/00 0040 0172.
[327] Census. (1861) Scotland. Glasgow. Hutchesontown. 644/10 0073.
[328] Census. (1871) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 029.
[329] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 15 July 1875. CONNELL, Maggie. 603/00 0046.
[330] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Dennistoun. 5 April 1880. LOCHORE, George, and BELL, Helen. 644/03 0071.
[331] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 15 January 1881. LOCHORE, George. 603/00 0002.
[332] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 000/2 006.
[333] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 000/2 008.
[334] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 000/2 008.
[335] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 14 July 1899. LAMBIE, James, and BELL, Maggie.
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[337] Census. (1901) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/02 006/00 022.
[338] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Camlachie. 28 August 1924. LOCHORE, George. 644/02 0123.
[339] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Camlachie. 20 February 1925. LOCHORE, Helen. 644/02 0022.
[340] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Lanarkshire. Old Monklands. 652/01 0023.
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[345] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 10 December 1858. MORTON, Margaret. 603/00 0060.
[346] Census. (1861) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 008 002.
[347] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 1 July 1863. MORTYON, James. 603/00 0013.
[348] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 12 March 1870. MARSHALL, Elizabeth. 603/00 0015.
[349] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 14 February 1871. MARSHALL, Robert, and MCINTOSH, Janet. 603/00 0009.
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[353] Census. (1901) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 593/00 003. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/ : accessed 21 March 2016.
[354] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Newmilns. 8 August 1916. MARSHALL, Janet. 603/01 0012.
[355] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Galston. 27 July 1863. LOCHORE, Margaret.
[356] Census. (1881) Scotland. Renfrewshire. Neilston. 572/01 001 001.
[357] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 4 December 1884. LOCHORE, Margaret Smith. 603/00 0057.
[358] RCE. Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 12 November 1886. LOCHORE, Margaret Smith. 603/01 001 0084.
[359] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 3 January 1887. SMITH, James, and LOCHORE, Margaret. 603/00 0002.
[360] Census. (1891) Scotland. Lanarkshire. Blantyre. 624/00 008 027.
[361] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Lanarkshire. Blantyre. 30 December 1931. SMITH, Margaret. 624/00 0045.
[362] Census. (1851) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 0009. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/cgi-bin/sse.dll?db=1851Scotland&indiv=try&h=1683877 : accessed 21 March 2016.
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[364] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 30 March 1871. MURCHIE, John Smith.
[365] RCE. Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 13 August 1872. MURCHIE, John Smith. 603/01 001 0028.
[366] Census. (1871) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00008/00 031.
[367] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Galston. 11 June 1877. PAXTON, John, and MURCHIE, Flora. 593/00 0008.
[368] Births. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Springburn. 2 February 1878. PAXTON, Mary Bella. 644/03 0067.
[369] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Dennistoun. 10 February 1881. PAXTON, John. 644/03 0078.
[370] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 013.
[371] Births. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Springburn. 4 July 1870. PAXTON, Jane. 622/02 0097.
[372] Births. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Springburn. 6 November 1871. PAXTON, John. 622/02 0167.
[373] Births. (CR) Scotland. Glasgow. Springburn. 21 November 1873. PAXTON, Richard Sanderson. 622/02 0190.
[374] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 7 November 1890. MURCHIE, Finlay. 603/00 0029.
[375] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 000/2 015.
[376] Census. (1851) Scotland. Ayrshire. Galston. 593/00 003 000/2 010.
[377] Census. (1861) S cotland. Ayrshire. Galston. 593/00 003 000/2 029.
[378] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 22 May 1858. DYKES, Alexander, and MORTON, Janet. 603/00 0009.
[379] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Gaslton. DYKES, Alexander. 593/00 0049.
[380] Births. (CR) S otland. Ayrshire. Ludoun. 13 April 1866. DYKES, John. 603/00 0026.
[381] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 8 July 1869. DYKES, Alexander Morton. 603/00_0033.
[382] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Galston. 7 May 1870. DYKES, Alexander Morton. 593/00 0018.
[383] Census. (1871) Scotland. Ayrshire. Galston. 593/00 007 000/2 007.
[384] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 22 August 1870. SCADE, William, and DYKES, Janet. 603/00 0015.
[385] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 7 December 1870. SCADE, William. 603/00 0052.
[386] Census. (1871) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 026.
[387] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 21 August 1871. AIRD, John, and DYKES, Janet. 603/00 0019.
[388] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 9 March 1872. AIRD, Thomas. 603/00 0016.
[389] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 14 September 1880. CRAIG, John, DYKES, Agnes. 603/00 0013.
[390] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 17 October 1880. CRAIG, Margaret. 603/00 0039.
[391] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 009 000/2 035.
[392] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 603/00 00 009 000/2 038.
[393] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 13 December 1899. AIRD, Janet. 603/00 0040.
[394] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Maybole. 20 October 1856. PRENDERGAST, Elizabeth. 605/00 0071.
[395] Baptisms. (RC Records) Scotland. Ayrshire. Girvan. Sacred Heart. 19 October 1856. PRENDERGAST, Elizabeth. MP005500001-00001-00001-00034.
[396] Census. (1861) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kirkmichael. 600/02 002 010.
[397] Census. (1871) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dalmellington. 586/00 003 000/2 031.
[398] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 1 August 1879. PINDERGRASS, Annie. 598/00 0031.
[399] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Muirkirk. 27 November 1879. MCLEARY, Dominick, and PENDERGAST, Elizabeth. 607/00 0014.
[400] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Muirkirk. 8 March 1880. PENDERGRAIST, Ann. 607/00 0008.
[401] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Muirkirk. 607/00 006 000/2 006.
[402] Births. (CR) Scotland. Lanarkshire. Bothwell. 2 February 1872. MCLEARY, Ann. 625/01 0017.
[403] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Muirkirk. 607/00 007 020.
[404] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Ayr. 5 July 1894. MCLEARIE, Dominic. 578/00 0093.
[405] Census. (1901) Scotland. Ayrshire. Muirkirk. 607/00 007 016.
[406] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Muirkirk. 14 October 1902. FERNS, Bernard, and FERNS, Elizabeth. 607/00 0014.
[407] Census. (1911) Scotland. Lanarkshire. Old Monkland. 652/02 011/00 014.
[408] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Lanarkshire. Coatbridge. 28 February 1931. FERNS, Elizabeth. 652/02 0031.
[409] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 28 May 1856. DUNCAN, Ann. 598/00 0016.
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[411] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 001 000/2 004.
[412] Births. (CR) Scotland. Edinburgh. Canongate. 12 August 1874. DUNCAN, William. 685/03 0237.
[413] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 20 March 1882. ROSEWEIR, Elizabeth McGinness Hopkins. 598/00 0016.
[414]Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 597/00 0019. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/ : accessed 17 March 2016.
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[416] Census. (1901) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 597/00 0014. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/ : accessed 17 March 2016.
[417] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Irvine. 3 December 1881. ROSEWEIR, Robert, and HOPKINS, Janet. 595/00 0027
[418] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 12 February 1883. ROSEWIER, Elizabeth McGuinnes Hopkins. 597/00 0024.
[419] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 7 December 1889. DUNCAN, Ann. 597/00 0177.
[420] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 16 July 1890. WOODBURN, John. 598/00 0038.
[421] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 2 July 1890. WOODBURN, John, and DUNCAN, Agnes. 597/00 0120
[422] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dundonald. 19 November 1872. MCDOWALL, Agnes. 590/01 0040.
[423] Census. (1881) Scotland, Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 0008.
[424] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 0001.
[425] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 21 November 1891. NAIRN, Elizabeth McLeod. 598/00 0052.
[426] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 28 November 1891. NAIRN, Joseph, and MCDOWALL, Agnes. 598/00 0029.
[427] Valuation Rolls. (1885-1886) Scotland. Ayrshire. NAIRN, Joseph.
[428] Census. (1901) Scotland. Glasgow. St. Rollox. 644/06 0009.
[429] Census. (1911) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 597/00 001 000/2 025.
[430] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 21 August 1913. NAIRN, Agnes. 598/00 0012.
[431] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 10 August 1859. TEMPLETON, Mary Muir. 598/00 0028.
[432] Census. (1861) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 002 000/2 018.
[433] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 0002.
[434] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dunlop. 591/00 0004. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/cgi-bin/sse.dll?db=1881Scotland&indiv=try&h=1339548 : accessed 21 March 2016.
[435] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dalry. 587/00 0009.
[436] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 0003.
[437] Births. (CR) Sotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 18 October 1882. TEMPLETON, Alexander. 598/00 0049.
[438] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 11 February 1884. NORTHCOTE, John, and TEMPLETON, Mary. 598/00 0009.
[439] RCE. Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 31 October 1884. TEMPLETON, Alex ander. 598/00 001 0083.
[440] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 2 January 1885. NORTHCOTE, Richard. 598/00 0001.
[441] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 0007.
[442] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. TEMPLETON, James, and GILMOUR, Margaret, children of. International Genealogical Index. https://familysearch.org accessed 14 March 2016.
[443] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 598/00 0008.
[444] Census. (1901) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dreghorn. 589/00 0003.
[445] Births. (CR) Scotland. Kilmaurs. 25 May 1883. TEMPLETON, Alexander Steel. 598/00 0059.
[446] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dalry. 587/00 0005.
[447] Census. (1901) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dreghorn. 589/00 0003.
[448] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Irvine. 14 November 1942. NORTHCOTE, Mary Muir. 595/00 0068.
[449] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Riccarton. 14 September 1869. ENGLISH, Elizabeth. 611/00 0060.
[450] Census. (1871) Scotland. Ayrshire. Riccarton. 611/00 008 000/2 019.
[451] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 597/00 026 000/2 011.
[452] Census. (1881) Scotland. Ayrshire. Dundonald. 590/1 0001. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/ : accessed 21 March 2016.
[453] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Hurlford. 7 June 1887. ENGLISH, Martha. 611/02 0084.
[454] Census. (1891) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmarnock. 597/00 0036. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/ : accessed 17 March 2016.
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[456] Marriages. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Loudoun. 15 August 1893. MITCHELL, Robert, and INGLIS, Elizabeth. 603/00 0013.
[457] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Kilmaurs. 14 November 1892. MITCHELL, John. 598/00 0054.
[458] Census. (1901) Sotland. Ayrshire. Irvine. 595/00 0011. http://search.ancestry.co.uk/ : accessed 17 March 2016.
[459] Census. (1911) Scotland. Ayrshire. Irvine. 595/00 011 000/2 006.
[460] Births. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Irvine. 15 April 1901. MCDOUGALL, Elizabeth Stewart. 595/00 0047.
[461] Deaths. (CR) Scotland. Ayrshire. Irvine. 7 April 1943. MITCHELL, Elizabeth. 595/00 0072.
